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*                         T A Y L O R O L O G Y                             *
*  A Continuing Exploration of the Life and Death of William Desmond Taylor *
*                                                                           *
*  Issue 65 -- May 1998          Editor: Bruce Long          bruce@asu.edu  *
*                   TAYLOROLOGY may be freely distributed                   *
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                            CONTENTS OF THIS ISSUE:
             175 Errors and Contradictions in "A Cast of Killers"
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                             What is TAYLOROLOGY?
TAYLOROLOGY is a newsletter focusing on the life and death of William Desmond
Taylor, a top Paramount film director in early Hollywood who was shot to
death on February 1, 1922. His unsolved murder was one of Hollywood's major
scandals.  This newsletter will deal with: (a) The facts of Taylor's life;
(b) The facts and rumors of Taylor's murder; (c) The impact of the Taylor
murder on Hollywood and the nation; (d) Taylor's associates and the Hollywood
silent film industry in which Taylor worked. Primary emphasis will be given
toward reprinting, referencing and analyzing source material, and sifting it
for accuracy.
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Another Mary Miles Minter film, "The Ghost of Rosy Taylor," is now available
from Grapevine Video, their third Minter offering on home video.
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A new $25,000 reward has been offered by the NATIONAL ENQUIRER for
information leading to the arrest and conviction of William Desmond Taylor's
killer.  The March 3, 1998 issue included an error-filled segment on the
Taylor case in a section of "Unsolved Hollywood Mysteries," aptly calling the
murder "Hollywood's most baffling mystery," and the reward was offered for
any of the cases mentioned there.  Also, the "E!" cable channel has a new
series on "Mysteries and Scandals," with one episode examining the Taylor
case.
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             175 Errors and Contradictions in "A Cast of Killers"

      The first book-length examination of the William Desmond Taylor murder
was A CAST OF KILLERS by Sidney D. Kirkpatrick (Dutton, 1986), based largely
upon material gathered by noted film director King Vidor.  That book was
entertainingly written, very popular and it introduced many people to the
Taylor case for the first time, presenting "proof" of the commonly-held
viewpoint that Charlotte Shelby murdered Taylor.  We have commented at
length on Kirkpatrick's book in WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER (Scarecrow
Press, 1991); however we feel it is time for an updated re-examination,
particularly since many more errors in A CAST OF KILLERS have come to our
attention, and many of our cited references have been reprinted in previous
issues of TAYLOROLOGY.  Kirkpatrick was fortunate to have obtained a copy of
the police file on the case, though only a very small portion of that
material found its way into his book.  It is that material from the police
file which makes Kirkpatrick's book valuable for those interested in the
Taylor case.
      A CAST OF KILLERS makes constant reference to press reports but
specific references are rarely cited.  There is an enormous difference
between press reports published immediately after the murder and the reports
published much later.  Right from the beginning there were inaccuracies in
the press coverage of the case, and those inaccuracies tended to multiply as
time passed.
      A CAST OF KILLERS contains a very substantial amount of material which
appears to be inaccurate, is strongly contradicted elsewhere, or is not
logical.  The numbers in parentheses indicate the page numbers in A CAST OF
KILLERS where the items are found; the numbers in brackets cite sources in
endnotes, at the end of this newsletter.  Some of the errors are found in
interviews in the book and are not directly stated by Vidor/Kirkpatrick.  In
the analysis below, "official statement" refers to the statements taken by
the District Attorney's office in 1922 and reprinted in KING OF COMEDY.[1]
This list refers to the hardcover edition; a few errors in A CAST OF KILLERS
were corrected in the subsequent paperback editions.

   #1. (3) No early press reports made any mention of a fireplace--much less
that letters were being burned there.  Diagrams and photos of the murder
scene were published in several newspapers--there was no fireplace in
Taylor's home.  Tales of the fireplace came many years later, in fanciful
and highly unreliable accounts.

   #2. (3) No early press reports stated that Peavey was washing dishes when
the police arrived.  Indeed, the statement makes no sense--what dishes could
Peavey possibly have been washing?  He had finished washing the supper
dishes before departing the previous evening.  The only unwashed items were
the two cocktail glasses and shaker used by Mabel Normand and Taylor, and
those items were still unwashed on the serving tray when reporters arrived
later, as they were mentioned and photographed.

   #3. (6) The theory that the killer "entered through the den, then shot
Taylor in the back and left by the front door" makes no sense.  What "den"?
Taylor's home had two doors, a front door and a kitchen door, which Peavey
had locked before leaving.  The ground floor of Taylor's home only had a
kitchen, dining room, and living room. There was no "den."

   #4. (7) No early press reports indicated any pornographic pictures of
Taylor and famous actresses had been found.  All such reports came much
later and were evidently magnified from the following press item reporting
the estate sale of Taylor:
         District Attorney Woolwine yesterday...withheld from sale a number
      of pictures among the effects of William D. Taylor, murdered film
      director...There were some of young women in "art poses," the kind
      that Boston frowns upon.  Some were exceedingly daring.[2]

   #5. (7) No early press reports told of a secret locked closet with a
collection of women's lingerie, tagged with initials and dated.  Again, all
such tales came many years later, in highly unreliable accounts.

   #6. (6, 169, etc.) Although were some early press reports implying that a
nightgown had been found with the initials "M.M.M.", the cumulative press
evidence indicates that a nightgown did exist and had been the property of
Taylor for some time before the murder[3]--but there is strong reason to
doubt the existence of any initials on the nightgown:
         Herman Cline, former chief of detectives, who was one of the
      original investigators, recalled having found a garment "resembling a
      nightgown" in the Taylor apartment.
         "But I am positive there were no initials on it," he declared...
         "I was working on the case with Detective Ziegler," he said, "and
      the day following the murder we found a filmy flesh-colored gown in a
      dresser drawer in Taylor's bedroom.  We also found several
      handkerchiefs bearing the initials M.M.M.
         "We took the gown, handkerchiefs and a package of letters to the
      office of the late Thomas Lee Woolwine, then District Attorney, and
      turned them over to him.
         "At the time I recall Woolwine as saying, 'I don't know how the
      gown will fit into the picture, as we cannot identify its owner.
      There isn't even a laundry mark on it.' "
         Cline added that he had no idea what had become of the exhibit.[4]
And even Hearst's L.A. EXAMINER reported in 1922:
         Little importance was attached to the pink silk nightgown found in
      the director's apartments.  This, it was learned, had been laundered
      only once or twice and bore no initials or other marks by which its
      ownership might be determined.[5]

   #7. (7) No early press reports indicated Taylor visited Berger on the
morning before the murder.  All early press reports only mention an
afternoon visit and a telephone call.

   #8. (7, 26, etc.) Some early press reports did indicate a substantial sum
of money had been withdrawn by Taylor and then re-deposited.  However, these
press reports were soon retracted and an authoritative statement was made
that no money had been withdrawn for several weeks prior to the murder.
         ...The fact that no deposit was made late that day [the day of
      Taylor's murder] was confirmed by W. T. S. Hammond, cashier of the
      First National Bank, who testified that some time during the morning
      Taylor deposited $2300.
         ...At the same time it was definitely learned that the director did
      not draw $2500 from the bank on the day preceding the murder, or at
      any other time within several weeks previous to his death.[6]

   #9. (8) The description Taylor's sister-in-law gave of her husband did
not "fit uncannily that of Edward Sands."  There was a drastic difference in
age and physical appearance:
         Mrs. Deane-Tanner, when shown a photograph of Sands at her Monrovia
      home, pointed out points of dissimilarity...
         Sands is short and stocky, with plump, round face.  Dennis Deane-
      Tanner was slender like his brother...Besides, Mrs. Deane-Tanner
      explained, her husband's nose had been broken in athletics, which gave
      him a noticeable mark.[7]
         
   #10. (8) The book states that Edward Sands had been fired by Taylor for
stealing jewelry and forging checks.  No, Sands was not "fired" by Taylor.
Taylor had gone on vacation to Europe while Sands had remained to take care
of Taylor's home; Sands stole from Taylor and fled before Taylor
returned.[8]

   #11. (19) Taylor had indeed been sent to Runnymeade, near Harper, Kansas,
but his younger brother Denis had not.  Denis was still in school at that
time.

   #12. (19, etc.) The name of Denis (not Dennis) is misspelled throughout
the book.

   #13. (19) When Denis Deane-Tanner disappeared in 1912, he left behind a
wife and TWO children, not one.  His daughters were named Muriel and
Alice.[9]

   #14. (20) It is stated that "Captain Kidd, Jr." was a highly regarded
film.  On the contrary, reviews of the film were decidedly mixed.  VARIETY
(April 25, 1919) stated "As a whole it is rather a disappointment", and
PHOTOPLAY (July 1919) stated "...the play suffers because its director,
William D. Taylor, considered it an inconsequential trifle."

   #15. (20) It is stated that "Judy of Rogue's Harbor" was a highly
regarded film.  On the contrary, some reviews of that film were scathing.
The DRAMATIC MIRROR (March 6, 1920) stated "It is hard to believe that
William D. Taylor is responsible for the direction.  Most of the time it is
merely bad and never does it rise above mediocrity", and HARRISON'S REPORTS
(February 17, 1920) stated "This picture should never have been made".

   #16. (20) Police never made any early claims that Denis Deane-Tanner
might have been Sands.

   #17. (20) It was not in 1917 that Taylor's ex-wife saw him on the screen
for the first time since he left her.  She stated this took place in
1919.[10]  There is very strong evidence that she knew Taylor was in Hollywood by
1915, but kept the information from her daughter.[11]

   #18. (21) Press reports did indicate that Taylor met with his daughter in
New York after his European trip in July 1921, but by July 21st he was
already back in Los Angeles, so his meeting with his daughter must have
taken a few days earlier than July 21.[12]

   #19. (22) No early press reports quoted Mrs. MacLean as stating the
person she saw "had an effeminate walk."

   #20. (28) The published coded letters, which Mary Miles Minter later
admitted writing, were not signed "Mary."  They were unsigned.[13]

   #21. (29) Mary NEVER claimed to have been at Casa de Margarita on the
night of the murder.  She ALWAYS said she was at the house on Hobart.[14]

   #22. (29) None of the early press reports published within four years of
the murder raised the question of Shelby's ownership of a gun.  In fact it
was eight months after the murder before any press report cast even a hint
of suspicion in Shelby's direction.[15]  Immediately following the murder,
the press viewed Mary's involvement with Taylor as casting serious suspicion
upon Marshall Neilan and Tommy Dixon, both of whom had dated Mary and were
rumored to be jealous.[16]

   #23. (29, etc.) Police never "granted the entire family complete
exoneration from wrongdoing."

   #24. (31) The most reliable press report indicated Walter Kirby served in
the American Army, not the Canadian.  It also indicated that the reason why
Kirby was released was not because he had an "airtight alibi," but because
the farmer could not be positive in his identification.  There was also no
indication here that Kirby had served under Taylor in the army. This was the
only newspaper to directly interview the rancher:
         "I'd rather see fifty guilty men go free than convict one innocent
      man, especially when it meant life or death."
         Andrew Cock, local rancher, today gave this explanation of why he
      declined positively to identify a man arrested at his insistence at
      Calexico last Thursday night by Los Angeles detectives working on the
      William Desmond Taylor murder mystery.
         Cock and the two detectives, Sergeants Edward King and Jesse A.
      Winn, of the Los Angeles police department, returned home from the
      border last night without the prisoner, who was turned over to them in
      Calexico by Colonel Jose Avila, chief inspector of the Mexican secret
      service, at Mexicali.  The man was freed after four hours of grilling
      by the detectives and Cock.
         Because the man, who had previously been arrested in Los Angeles in
      connection with the same case and released after an investigation,
      appeared to Cock to be several inches taller than the man "Spike,"
      whom Cock had given a ride between Tustin and Santa Ana on the night
      before the Taylor murder, the rancher refused to say positively that
      it was the same man.
         There was convincing circumstantial evidence that the man, who was
      described as a former Los Angeles actor and taxicab driver, was the
      man "Spike" whom Cock had heard make threats against a certain
      Canadian army captain named "Bill" on the night before Taylor, who was
      himself said to be a former Canadian [sic] army captain, was slain.
      Cock himself had pointed the man out on the street in Mexicali as the
      man sought.  But on closer inspection and realizing that the man's
      life might hang upon his decision, Cock would not make his
      identification absolute.
         "They put it up to me," he said today.  "They said, 'if you say he
      is the man, we'll take him with us.'  But under the circumstances I
      couldn't do it."
         The detectives, King and Winn, after Cook pointed him out on the
      street, recognized the man as the one whom they had investigated
      before.
         After Avila had brought the man across the border into Calexico,
      they searched his room and found army trousers and leggings which
      answered in the description of those worn by "Spike" near Santa Ana.
      They did not find the coat, but did find a sweater coat similar to one
      worn by "Spike."  Also they found a blank .38 caliber revolver
      cartridge and several loaded shells of the same caliber.  "Spike" had
      dropped a .38 caliber gun when he got out of the car on the night Cock
      saw him.  Taylor, the motion picture director, was killed by a .38
      caliber bullet the next day...
         The man showed a discharge from the United States army to explain
      the army uniform found in his possession.  He had served three days in
      the army.  There was nothing to show that he had been in the Canadian
      army.
         Serving further to direct suspicion toward the suspect, as the man
      Cock had heard utter the veiled threat against the Canadian captain,
      Cock recalled that "Spike" had asked numerous questions regarding road
      and stage service between Santa Ana and the border.
         However, Cock's recollection of "Spike" did not quite fit the new
      suspect's height, although in particulars the resemblance was
      convincing.  It was difficult to compare his impression of "Spike's"
      height with that of the suspect because of the fact that "Spike" wore
      a heavy overcoat, whereas the man in the present instance wore a light
      suit.  Identification was otherwise complicated by the fact that
      "Spike" wore a several days' growth of beard, whereas the other was
      smoothly shaven.
         Cock had estimated "Spike's" age to be between 33 and 36.  The
      other man claimed he was 23.  Cock, however, believes that he is
      older.
         Had Cock been able to see the "pardner," he could probably have
      told whether the latter was the same man who was with "Spike" on the
      ride between Tustin and Santa Ana. "Spike's" partner had a scar over
      each ear, Cock noticed...[17]

   #25. (32) The press reports and article by Ed King indicated that it was
not "another man named Walter Kirby" who was arrested the same month--it was
the same individual as was previously arrested.[18]

   #26. (32) Otis Hefner's story said nothing about a fight between Taylor
and a woman dressed like a man.  In his clearly-fabricated story he blamed
the killing on Mabel Normand.[19]

   #27. (33) Peavey did not die in a ghetto in Sacramento.  He spent the
last year of his life in the Napa State Hospital, where he died.[20]

   #28. (33) Mabel Normand's reported dying statement "I wonder who killed
poor Bill Taylor?" sounds like press fabrication.  A month before Mabel's
death, during the 1930 flare-up of the case, Julia Benson (Mabel's
companion) said:
         "We have read to her [Mabel]--the nurses and I--but we have not
      mentioned anything of Mr. Taylor's death to her, and Miss Normand
      never talks about it."[21]
Most of the Los Angeles papers quoted other "last words," for example:
         ...The last words of the film star whose admirers numbered
      thousands were a plea.
         "Don't leave me alone, please," she whispered an hour or so before
      her death to Mrs. Benson, her secretary and faithful friend for over
      eight years.
         "I won't, dear," said Mrs. Benson, gently.
         From then on Miss Normand sank rapidly.  Several times she
      attempted to speak, but could not...[22]

   #29. (35) MOVING PICTURE WORLD was not a "fan rag"--it was the most
highly respected trade journal in the movie industry.

   #30. (36) Florence Vidor never acted under William Desmond Taylor's
direction.  See Taylor's filmography in WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER,
pp. 433-445.

#31. (37) The book indicates that King Vidor and Colleen Moore were on
location filming "The Sky Pilot" and were trapped in a snowstorm at the time
of the Taylor murder.  But "The Sky Pilot" was released in May 1921, many
months before Taylor was murdered.  Press items do indicate King Vidor was
snowbound on location at the time of the Taylor murder, but he was with the
crew of the film "The Real Adventure" starring his wife Florence Vidor, as
indicated in this item published on February 6, 1922:
                           MOVIE COMPANY IS MAROONED
         Florence Vidor's company left for Bear valley last week, arrived
      O.K.--and stuck.  At last accounts it was marooned in the middle of a
      trackless snow desert hid up in the mountains.  Its whereabouts were
      learned at the nearest point of approach by signal fires which were
      made, and General Manager Gus Inglis left with a dog team and all the
      snowshoes that could be gathered together.  As it is impossible to
      reach the party otherwise the snowshoes will be dropped from an
      airplane...In the marooned movie party are Florence Vidor and King
      Vidor, her husband and director; Clyde Fillmore, leading man; David
      Howard, assistant director; George Barnes and Ed Roberts, cameramen,
      and other technical workers.  Fortunately the party has a good supply
      of food an an experienced cook and is in a neighborhood where there is
      a plentiful supply of wood for fuel.  The Vidors are filming "The Real
      Adventure" by Henry Kitchell Webster, and some of the story calls for
      rugged snowstorm scenes, which they will surely get.[23]
At the time of the Taylor murder, there were already rumors that Colleen
Moore was engaged to John McCormick, and she was reportedly wearing his
engagement ring.[24]

   #32. (40) Taylor's birth certificate clearly states Taylor was born on
April 26, 1872--not 1867.[25]

   #33. (41) Taylor was not waiting to go on the London stage in 1884.  He
was only 12 years old at that time and was still living at home.

   #34. (41) Taylor's studio biographies frequently mention his years at
Clifton College, but inquiry indicates that he never attended Clifton.[26]

   #35. (42) As correctly stated later on p. 65 of A CAST OF KILLERS, Taylor
was in the British Army, not Canadian.

   #36. (42) The statement that Taylor never found the need for glasses is
obviously false--one of the photographs in the book has him wearing glasses,
and others have been published elsewhere.[27]

   #37. (42) It is stated that Taylor never returned again to his family
home in Ireland.  But in an interview with his ex-wife it was reported:
"Mrs. Robins said last night that shortly after their marriage she and
Tanner visited his folks in Ireland...His family entertained her at their
home in Fitzwilliam Square..."[28]

   #38. (43) Fanny Davenport did not sign Taylor as her leading man; her
leading man was her husband, Melbourne MacDowell, though Taylor did
sometimes understudy the leading role.

   #39. (43) Taylor did not "inexplicably" leave Fanny Davenport.  He was
with the Davenport theatrical company until she died on September 26, 1898,
and the troupe disbanded.

   #40. (43) The story that Taylor had gone to prison in England to protect
a woman's honor, did not come from a Klondike miner; it came from H. M.
Horkheimer, the president of Balboa Studios.[29]

   #41. (45) There were several reports that Taylor's finances were not "in
perfect order" when he deserted his wife:
         ...[Taylor] told Mr. Morrison...that he had left New York because
      of an overwhelming burden of debt he had contracted while an art
      dealer in New York.[30]
And:
         Financial and other troubles were pressing hard upon W. C. Deane-
      Tanner at the time of his disappearance..."Pete's" habits, especially
      his extravagances, were held to blame...Pete confided that he had
      borrowed a great deal of money from Mr. Braker...but he was confident
      he and Mrs. Tanner would be remembered handsomely in Mr. Braker's
      will.  Pete's hopes...were completely dashed in the summer of 1908,
      when Mr. Braker died suddenly and his will, filed shortly before
      Pete's disappearance, contained a brief clause to this effect: "To W.
      C. D. Tanner, I leave and bequeath the amounts of money owing to me by
      him."...At the time "Pete" Tanner deserted his wife and six-year-old
      daughter in October, 1908, he was in serious financial straits, owing
      thousands of dollars to Wilson Marshall...and to others.[31]

   #42. (46) That Taylor experienced "memory losses" was attested to by
others beside his wife.  One of his former business associates reportedly
stated:
         "We all had noticed the facial neuralgia which distorted 'Pete's'
      face so, and he had several mental lapses during the time I knew him.
      We all agreed with Mrs. Deane-Tanner at the time of his disappearance
      that he had wandered away while seized with one of these spells."[32]

   #43. (48) A CAST OF KILLERS strongly implies that reports of Taylor's
rumored homosexuality had not been published in contemporary newspaper
accounts of the murder.  Althout the Los Angeles papers did not publish
those rumors, they were indeed published elsewhere, e.g.: "The fact that his
houseman, Henry Peavey, and his former secretary, Edward F. Sands, are both
said to be 'queer persons,' has led to much speculation whether Taylor was
abnormal himself."[33]; "It has been charged that Taylor was a member of an
unnatural love cult, a cult comprised entirely of men."[34]

   #44. (52) The romance between Neva Gerber and Taylor was certainly more
than just "studio publicity." They went together from the Balboa Company to
Favorite Players to American Film. While at American in Santa Barbara,
Taylor reportedly was living in the same house with Neva and her mother.[35]
Taylor continued to give Neva presents of cash and automobiles up until the
time of his death.[36]

   #45. (52) Mary Miles Minter was not at American Film while Taylor was
employed there; he left in October 1915[37] to go to Pallas (Paramount), and
Mary did not arrive at American Film until mid-1916:
         MOVING PICTURE WORLD (June 24, 1916):  Led by the Mayor and various
      of his official family, Santa Barbara, Cal., residents gave a rousing
      reception to little Mary Miles Minter, the American-Mutual child star,
      on her recent arrival at the southern California city to begin work on
      her first Mutual feature release...
Neva Gerber was at American film during the entire period of time that
Taylor was employed there.

   #46. (53-4) The rumor, that the blacksmith in "Captain Alvarez" was Denis
Tanner, was indeed mentioned in the papers, attributed to an anonymous New
Yorker who stated he recognized him.[38]

   #47. (58) Wallace Reid's drug problem reportedly began in 1919 when he
was given morphine for an injury which occurred during the filming of
"Valley of the Giants."[39]  Taylor last directed Reid in 1917 in "Big
Timber."  Reid had no drug problem when Taylor directed him.

   #48. (60) Antonio Moreno was having a contract dispute with Vitagraph,
and wanted Taylor's assistance to arbitrate it.  Moreno's statement to the
press indicates the scheduled meeting with Taylor on the morning after his
death did not involve Woolwine at all.
         "...we arranged that I should call for Mr. Taylor, at the Lasky
      studio, about 10 o'clock Thursday morning...Mr. Taylor was to go with
      me to the Vitagraph studio, on a matter of personal business."[40]

   #49. (61) The career of Julia Crawford Ivers peaked prior to the Taylor
murder, and went almost straight downhill after his death.[41]

   #50. (65) A CAST OF KILLERS has scrambled the details of Taylor's
military career.  In reality Taylor went from Nova Scotia to England, where
he received an officer's commission and was assigned to the Royal Army
Service Corps.  He was more than just a "temporary lieutenant."[42]

   #51. (65) Taylor was in uniform for approximately 9 months, not 15
months.  He reported for active duty in August 1918 and returned in May
1919.[43]

   #52. (66) There is no big mystery as to why Taylor enlisted so late in
the war.  The following local newspaper item appeared in the month before
Taylor signed his enlistment papers:
         A move was started here yesterday by several patriotic Britishers,
      headed by Sergt. Howard Allen of the local British recruiting office
      and Dr. A. D. Houghton of the Receiving Hospital staff, to compel all
      Britons between the ages of 18 and 50 to enlist for service abroad.
      This movement, according to Dr. Houghton, will be aided by the
      American Protective League, its object being to round up every
      available man in this community.  It was stated that there are between
      2000 and 3000 British subjects here and every one, except such as are
      supporting dependents, will be pressed into service...
         A special canvass of the movie camps is to be made...[44]
Taylor's enlistment was probably a result of this recruiting drive.

   #53. (68) The photograph of Taylor and the three army buddies was printed
in the L.A. TIMES, along with another photo of the same individuals.[45]  If
one of them had been Denis, surely his wife would have recognized him.  When
the photograph was printed in the SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE, the soldiers were
all identified (and one of them was interviewed).  The name of the soldier
who allegedly looks like Denis, is Sgt. Hawkins.[46]

   #54. (71) No six-page photo spread announcing the birth of Realart
appears in any issue of PHOTOPLAY.  An ad such as the one described would
have appeared in a trade paper, not a fan magazine.

   #55. (71) Ads for the birth of Realart did not appear until mid-1919.

   #56. (72) "Huckleberry Finn" was the first film directed by Taylor after
his return from military service and was filmed prior to "Anne of Green
Gables," though "Anne" was released to theaters first.[47]

   #57. (72) There was indeed a public explanation given as to why the team
of Minter and Taylor was broken up: Taylor was promoted.  In the film
industry at that time, there could be only one "star" in any film, whether
actor or director. At the end of 1919 Taylor was promoted, given his own
producing unit and given "the name above the title."  Taylor and Minter
could not both have top billing in the same film, yet each of their
contracts now required top billing.  Hence, their professional separation:
         William D. Taylor, one of the screen's best known and most artistic
      directors and before that a prominent and successful doer of things
      theatric, has signed a new contract with Famous Players-Lasky whereby
      he will make his own productions for the Paramount-Artcraft program,
      beginning this month.
         Films directed and produced by Taylor will be trademarked "William
      D. Taylor Productions" and will be given the same prominence and
      publicity that now is given those of Cecil B. De Mille.
         At present Mr. Taylor is directing Mary Miles Minter. He has
      directed several of the silver sheet's most famous stars.[48]

   #58. (74) It is stated that Taylor did not move into the Alvarado
bungalow until summer of 1920.  But press items indicated Taylor moved there
immediately after his return from military service in May 1919.
         LOS ANGELES RECORD (May 30, 1919): Since returning to Los Angeles,
      William D. Taylor, the director, who spent a strenuous year on the
      other side as a captain in the British army, has rented himself a
      bungalow and is settling down to the grind of directing feature
      pictures for the Morosco studios.

   #59. (74) It is stated that Taylor moved into the bungalow on the
recommendation of Douglas MacLean.  But press items indicated that the
bungalow was found for him by his fiancee, Neva Gerber:
         "Mr. Taylor used to depend on me to look after many things for him.
      It was I who found the house for him in which he was living at the
      time of his death, and when he and I were engaged and were going out
      together I would frequently stop there for a few minutes, but there
      was always a servant present."[49]

   #60. (75) ROUND THE ROOM does not state that Taylor's car which was
stolen by Sands was a Packard. Press items published after the murder
indicated that the wrecked car was repaired and repainted, and was in
Taylor's possession at the time of his death.[50]  The two automobiles in his
estate were a McFarlan and a Chandler.  It had to be one of these two cars
which was stolen by Sands, and was undoubtedly the very expensive
McFarlan.[51]

   #61. (75) Although the merchandise stolen by Sands was pawned under the
name of William Deane Tanner, there is no mention in the early press reports
that the envelope sent to Taylor was addressed that way.

   #62. (88) Peavey testified at the inquest that he always left and entered
Taylor's residence by the front door, not the back (kitchen) door.  Before
he left each evening he would fasten a latch on the back door and leave a
key in the lock, preventing outside entry through the back door.

   #63. (88) If Taylor's cigarette case had been stolen by Sands and been
missing for "many months," how could it possibly be a Christmas gift from
Mabel Normand inscribed "Christmas 1921"?  There were less than two months
between Christmas 1921 and the murder.  Sands' last robbery was on
December 4, 1921, three weeks PRIOR to Christmas.

   #64. (88) On the day Taylor was killed, James Kirkwood was on board the
ship Aquitania, en route from Europe to New York.  He was not in Los
Angeles, or even in the United States.[52]

   #65. (89) According to Antonio Moreno's statements to the press, he had
been trying to get in touch with Taylor for two days, finally contacting him
by telephone around 7:00 p.m. on the night of the murder.  It therefore
appears he did not meet with Taylor at the Athletic Club on the morning of
that day.[53]

   #66. (89) On the day Taylor was killed, C. B. De Mille was on board the
ship Aquitania, en route from Europe to New York. He was not in Los Angeles:
         NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (February 4, 1922): Cecil B. De Mille, connected
      with the Famous Players-Lasky Corporation, who has been abroad on a
      vacation, returned yesterday on the Aquitania of the Cunard Line.
         Mr. De Mille is suffering from rheumatism and was carried from the
      steamship on a stretcher, with his left arm and right leg bandaged,
      and placed in an ambulance and taken to his suite in the Ambassador.
      Mrs. De Mille met her husband at the pier, as did Adolph Zukor, motion
      picture owner.
         Asked about William Desmond Taylor, director of the Famous Players-
      Lasky studios who was shot dead in his home in Los Angeles, Mr. De
      Mille said he had worked with Mr. Taylor about four years, before and
      after the war...
         "He was a charming man," said Mr. De Mille.  "There was none
      cleaner in the motion picture industry."  Mr. De Mille frowned on
      rumors that association with women might have brought about the
      murder.
And:
         Cecil De Mille's illness has been wildly rumored to be decidely
      serious.  We are glad to report James Kirkwood's comments upon the
      tale.
         Mr. Kirkwood returned from Europe on the same steamer with Mr. De
      Mille and spent nearly every afternoon during the voyage with him. He
      says he marvels at Mr. De Mille's courage and poise in the midst of
      his affliction.
         In Paris the physicians warned Mr. De Mille against making the trip
      at this time, but the director insisted that he must return to
      Hollywood.  So, in the face of their forebodings and well-nigh
      helpless from rheumatism, he started homeward.
         "It was marvelous to sit and talk with the man," said Kirkwood.
      "Sick and utterly worn out, he maintained the same charm of the host
      that he did in his days of health in California.  It was superb
      bravery."[54]

   #67. (89) Two weeks prior to Taylor's death, Julia Crawford Ivers began a
three-month leave of absence away from Paramount.  She had been given the
assignment of writing the scenario for a Constance Talmadge film, and was
working at United Studios for Joseph Schenck:
         Los Angeles, Jan. 16--Mrs. Julia Crawford Ivers, special writer and
      supervising director on the Paramount staff, closed her desk at the
      Lasky studio Saturday and moved her script case over to the United
      Studios where she is to be with the Constance Talmadge unit under the
      management of Joseph Schenck.  This association is but a temporary
      one, however, Mr. Lasky having granted Mrs. Ivers a leave of absence
      for three months to permit her to do some special scripts for Miss
      Talmadge.  At the end of that time she is due back on the Lasky
      lot.[55]
And:
         Los Angeles, Jan. 30--Mrs. Julia Crawford Ivers, who is filling a
      special writing engagement with the Constance Talmadge unit, by
      arrangement with the Lasky studios, is working overtime these days on
      the adaptation and continuity of her original comedy "Our Fiancee."
      this is to serve for a coming Connie Talmadge, production, having been
      written by Mrs. Ivers expressly for Connie.[56]

   #68. (89) Prior to Taylor's murder, Mary Miles Minter was not "all washed
up, a has-been."  According to Jesse Lasky, the Minter pictures cost
$100,000 to produce and grossed $200,000.[57]  It's certainly true that
Minter did not develop into the Pickford-magnitude star that Paramount had
hoped she would become, but she was still a successful member of Paramount's
stellar stable at that time.

   #69. (90) At the First National Bank, Taylor did not deposit $2300 in
cash. The most reliable press reports state that the deposit was in the form
of checks, including two $800 paychecks.
         It had been taken for granted by the police, positive statements to
      this effect having been made, that Taylor drew $2500 from the First
      National Bank on January 31 and made a deposit of that sum or of $2350
      on February 1.  He was killed on the night of February 1.
         It was disclosed yesterday that he had not withdrawn any
      considerable sum from the bank, at least within two weeks of the date
      of his slaying and that his deposit of that day included four items,
      viz., two checks for $800 each on the Merchants National Bank, one
      check for $600 and one for $150 on the Citizens National.
         The two $800 checks were explained yesterday by Mr. Eyton: they
      were for salary.  While the other checks have not been investigated it
      is assumed for the present that they represent dividends Taylor
      received from stock held by him...
      "Mr. Taylor evidently had held a pay check for a week," said Mr.
      Eyton last night, "which accounts for two checks having been
      deposited.  I might explain that his contract called for a salary of
      $1200 a week, but when the let-down in the motion picture business
      came he voluntarily offered to accept one-third less than the amount
      he might have collected."[58]

   #70. (90) According to Mabel Normand's official statement to the D.A.,
her maid told her Taylor had sent his chauffeur over with a book from
Parker's (not Fowler's), and had also made a book purchase at Robinsons for
her to pick up at his place.[59]  In her lengthy LIBERTY interview, Mabel
stated that the two books she picked up from Taylor were ROSA MUNDI and a
commentary on Nietsche.[60]  She also mentioned ROSA MUNDI in an interview
published in the L. A. EXAMINER.[61]  The employees of C. C. Parker's
Bookstore were interviewed after the murder; they remembered Taylor and his
purchase, THE HOME BOOK OF VERSE.[62]  Clearly this was the book sent to
Mabel's home by his chauffeur, while the two books from Robinsons were the
books she picked up at his place.  She explicitly denied receiving a volume
of Freud from Taylor at that time.[63]  Where did Freud come from?  The
answer is easy to deduce.  In her LIBERTY interview, Mabel says she had her
volume of Freud with her when she visited Taylor.  Mabel's initial press
interviews, made on the day the body was discovered, did not name the books
Taylor had given her; but she did mention Taylor's joke when he took her to
her car and saw the POLICE GAZETTE there--he jokingly contrasted the POLICE
GAZETTE with the volume of Freud.  The reporters naturally assumed that the
volume of Freud had been just given to her by Taylor, and a few of them
reported it that way--they were clearly wrong.

   #71. (90) Taylor did not meet with Berger in his home at 6:15 p.m.
According to press reports, Taylor met with Berger in her office between
approximately 2:00 and 4:00 p.m.[64]  Taylor and Berger later spoke by
telephone.  The LOS ANGELES EXAMINER interviewed Berger and reported that
her phone conversation with Taylor took place between 5:30 and 6:30.[65]

   #72. (90) Many of the events of Taylor's "last day" as described in A
CAST OF KILLERS, are inaccurate.  He did not spend most of the day at the
studio; he only spent a little time there on that day.[66]

   #73. (90) It is stated that on the day of his death Taylor took tango
lessons from a young man at a dance class.  But according to the LOS ANGELES
TIMES, the dance class he attended was at the Payne Dancing Academy, and his
regular dancing instructor, Mrs. Waybright, gave him his lesson:
         "He was just brushing up on some of the old steps," Mrs. Waybright
      stated last night.  "He had always taken private lessons. His previous
      lesson was taken on the preceding Monday night.  On Wednesday night
      [Feb. 1] I noticed nothing unusual about his actions.  He was as
      jolly, though quiet and reticent to talk, as on his preceding visits.
      He never discussed his personal affairs with me while we danced.  We
      only talked of his progress in dancing.  Had there been any worry on
      his mind on his last visit I would have noticed it.
         "He had completed one course, and before his departure purchased a
      new set of tickets.  He said he wanted to take up a tango step the
      following evening, which would have been Thursday.  He added that he
      possibly would be sent on location Thursday, and that if he did not
      appear that evening he would surely come back on Friday."[67]

   #74. (100) Taylor's last production was not "The Top of New York."  "The
Green Temptation" was the last film Taylor made, even though "The Top of New
York" was released to theaters last.[68]

   #75. (107) It is stated that when D. W. Griffith took his troupe of
Biograph film players to California he left Mabel Normand behind in New
York.  On the contrary, the filmography in MABEL NORMAND: A SOURCE BOOK TO
HER LIFE AND FILMS pp. 287-289, shows that Mabel indeed accompanied them to
California.  The biography of Mabel Normand written in 1929 by Harry Carr
also stated that Mabel went to California with Biograph.[69]

   #76. (108) May "Busch," not May "Bush."

   #77. (108) Mabel Normand had already been working for Goldwyn for over a
year when "Mickey" was released in August 1918.  She already was a "full-
fledged star," though "Mickey" was indeed her most successful film.

   #78. (109) Mabel Normand never went to Europe during her Goldwyn years;
her first European trip took place after Taylor's murder.[70]  No fan
magazines or newspapers during her Goldwyn years reported that she was in
Europe.

   #79. (109) It is stated that "Molly O", Mabel Normand's 1921 film, was a
disaster at the box office.  But in Sennett's autobiography he states that
the film was financially successful.[71]  Contemporary newspaper reports
indicated that the film played for six weeks in Los Angeles, reportedly
attracting 100,000 patrons during that time.[72]  Cinema historian John Kobal
referred to "Molly O" as Mabel's "last great success."[73]

   #80. (110) It is stated that Normand and Cody kept separate residences
from the time they were married in 1926 until her death in 1930.  But in
December 1927 it was announced that they would no longer keep separate
residences, but would live together in Mabel's house in Beverly Hills.[74]

   #81. (111) It is implied that Mabel Normand's death was largely caused by
narcotics.  But the material in MABEL (pp. 218-230) shows that she truly
died of tuberculosis, and that it was a lingering, horrible death.  After
her death, one press item stated: "Miss Normand died at the Pottinger
sanitarium, Monrovia, early Saturday morning, after waging a losing battle
for over a year against tuberculosis...Miss Normand had wasted away until
she weighed scarcely 50 pounds at the time of her death."[75]

   #82. (114) None of the newspapers published in the week after the murder
reported that Mabel had been searching for her letters at the bungalow when
the police arrived at the murder scene.  Those fanciful reports came later.

   #83. (116) In her official statement to the district attorney, Mabel
stated that did not know who was on the phone with Taylor when she arrived:
"No, I don't know to whom he was talking."[76]  The press also indicated that
she did not know to whom Taylor had been talking.[77]  There was one solitary
early interview which quoted her as stating it was Berger, but that
statement is clearly "enhanced."  Peavey is also quoted in that same paper
as stating that Berger had telephoned before Mabel's arrival, and the
reporter had obviously interpolated the information into Mabel's interview,
since the reporters present from the other papers made no mention of it.
The LOS ANGELES EXAMINER interviewed Berger and reported that her phone
conversation with Taylor took place between 5:30 and 6:30.[78]  Antonio
Moreno's statement indicated his phone call with Taylor took place at 7:00,
which is when Mabel arrived.  So the press evidence indicates Taylor was
talking with Moreno, not Berger, when Mabel arrived.  Ed King also stated
the call was with Moreno.[79]

   #84. (116) Taylor's alleged premonition did appear in one early press
report, but the statement was clearly fabricated.  As soon as the report
appeared, Mabel gave an interview explicitly denying it:
         "I wish to deny also the statement attributed to me that Mr. Taylor
      had told me of premonition of his death," added Miss Normand.  "I
      never heard him mention any fear for his life or fear of any person or
      persons."[80]

   #85. (117) Sennett was not with Mabel Normand on the morning after the
murder.  He sent his studio manager, John Waldron to handle the
situation.[81]  Sennett went into seclusion and did not emerge in public for two weeks.

   #86. (118) Regarding Mabel Normand's injuries in 1915, A CAST OF KILLERS
reportedly quotes Minta Durfee as stating that Mabel was not injured by a
vase thrown by Mae Busch, but rather by jumping off a pier.  There were a
number of different published accounts of Mabel's injuries.  That Mabel was
injured by the thrown vase was elsewhere directly asserted several times by
Minta Durfee herself, who once stated:
       ...the vase that was over the fireplace, suddenly went flying through
    the room, down the corridor, right to Mabel's forehead.  It was a direct
    hit, but Mabel, before she fell to the floor, was able to see the person
    who threw it with such deadly accuracy: a lady in a flimsy black
    negligee--Mae Busch.[82]
Two 1922 accounts of Mabel's injuries were previously published in
TAYLOROLOGY.  In Wallace Smith's account, Mabel found Mack with a woman and
another couple; Mabel attacked Mack, and the other man broke a beer bottle
over Mabel's head.[83]  In Ed Roberts' account, Mabel attacked Mae; during
the catfight Mae gained the upper hand and bashed Mabel's head repeatedly
against a wooden window casing.[84]  The pier-jumping account seems to have
originated from Adela Rogers St. Johns.[85]

   #87. (122) It is stated that Claire Windsor went with Taylor to the
Ambassador Hotel, where they met Antonio Moreno and James Kirkwood, on the
Saturday before Taylor's death.  As mentioned above, Kirkwood was not even
in the U.S.A. at that time.  Also, in interviews given shortly after the
murder, Claire Windsor stated that she had only been out with Taylor this
once, and she and Moreno both stated that this evening at the Ambassador
hotel took place on the previous Thursday, not Saturday.[86]  A CAST OF
KILLERS indicates that the evening concluded with Taylor and Moreno going
off together, and Claire Windsor had to get a ride home with Mabel.  But in
interviews given after the murder Moreno stated that he saw Taylor and
Claire Windsor leave the hotel together[87], and other interviews stated that
Moreno had escorted Betty Francisco to and from this event.[88]  Moreno did
state that he had indeed been with Taylor on that Saturday, in the L. A.
Athletic Club, along with Arthur Hoyt and Capt. Robertson; but Moreno stated
that Taylor, Hoyt and Robertson left together without him because Moreno had
a dinner engagement elsewhere.[89]  So there are many discrepancies here when
comparing A CAST OF KILLERS with the statements made by Claire Windsor,
Antonio Moreno, and Betty Francisco a few days after the murder.

   #88. (122) Mary Miles Minter played in "The Littlest Rebel" in Chicago in
1911 and 1912, but not in 1914.

   #89. (128) It is stated that in 1914, at the age of 11, Mary Miles Minter
(Juliet Reilly) assumed the identity of the real Mary Miles Minter, who had
died eight years earlier at the age of eight, so that she could pass herself
off as being 16 years old and thus not get in trouble with child labor laws
in Chicago.  But in a 1923 interview, Minter says this happened several
years earlier:
       "When I was eight years old I was passed off for 16, twice my age,
    and dressed as a midget, with high heels and long skirts, so that I
    could play the stellar role of 'The Littlest Rebel' at the Chicago Opera
    house.  That was because the state law of Illinois prohibited children
    under 16 years of age from appearing as professional performers."[90]
So which is correct?  Did this happen when Minter was eight, or when she was
11?  Both accounts agree that she was passed off for 16, so everything
depends on when the real Mary Miles Minter died.  One month after the birth
of Juliet Reilly in April 1902, the SHREVEPORT TIMES reported the following:
       Mansfield, La., May 22--Mary, the 8-year-old daughter of Mr. Fayette
    Minter, of Eastpoint, was buried by the side of her mother here this
    morning.  The remains were accompanied by Mr. Minter, Mr. W. F.
    Scarbrough and Mr. Wm. Gray...
       Mesdames Julia Miles and J. Homer Reilly, of Shreveport, were
    visitors this morning.[91]
As this item indicates that the real (deceased) Mary Miles Minter was eight
years older than Juliet Reilly, then if Juliet Reilly assumed the identity
of Mary Miles Minter at the age of eight that would indeed make her appear
to be legally 16.  So Minter's version, pretending to be 16 at age eight, is
supported by this documentary evidence.  Since Charlotte Shelby was
obviously in town to attend the funeral that morning, it's no wonder that
the identity switch (Juliet Reilly to Mary Miles Minter) occurred to her
eight years later.  However, Minter's appearance in "The Littlest Rebel" at
the Chicago Opera House actually took place in 1911, when Minter was 9 years
old.[92]

   #90. (129) There were many divergent accounts of how and when Taylor and
Minter first met.  James Kirkwood later stated he introduced them to each
other on the American lot.[93]  There were a number of social events where
Taylor and Minter were both present, such as the Motion Picture Directors
Association Thanksgiving Ball in 1916.[94]  But from the written statement
made by Minter in August 1923 it is clear that she did not remember any
meetings which had taken place before the filming of ANNE OF GREEN GABLES in
1919: "William Desmond Taylor came into my life when I was 17 years of
age..."[95] (Minter turned 17 in April 1919.)

   #91. (129-30) Regarding Minter's contract with American Film, it is
stated that Charlotte Shelby got out of the contract due to a legal
loophole, and then signed with Paramount.  But the material in TAYLOROLOGY 9
indicates that although Minter did not work during the last two months of
her final two-year contract with American Film, which was signed in April
1917, that contract was indeed completed before she signed with Realart on
June 17, 1919.

   #92. (130) It is stated that the Shelby family moved from the home on
Fremont to the home on Hobart, and then later to the home at 7th & New
Hampshire (known as Casa Margarita).  But this sequence is wrong.  The
family moved into the Mathewson house on Fremont in late 1919, signing an 18-
month lease.[96]  The lease was not completed because the Mathewson house was
sold in late 1920, so the Shelby family spent a few months at the Ambassador
hotel.  Then they moved to Casa Margarita (which was known as the Duque
house at the time they moved in) in April 1921[97]. They did not move into
the house on Hobart until Fall 1921--they were there from Fall 1921 to
Spring 1922 while renovation work was underway at Casa Margarita.[98]

   #93. (130) It is stated that the home at 2039 North Hobart was "down the
road from Mabel Normand."  But Mabel Normand lived at 3089 West Seventh
Street, at the corner of 7th and Vermont, which was not down the road from
the home on Hobart.[99]  Mabel Normand lived down the road from Casa
Margarita, not the home on Hobart.

   #94. (131) It is stated that Mary's final film contract was terminated on
April 25, 1923.  But in her lawsuit filed against her mother, it was stated
that Mary's contract ended on January 27, 1923.[100]

   #95. (131) It is stated that "Paramount paid off the rest of her contract
for $350,000..."  That figure does not seem credible.  Contemporary press
items stated nothing about Minter's contract being "paid off", only that the
30-month contract had been completed and would not be renewed.[101] Minter's
original contract was for 30 months, 20 films, $1,300,000.  The 30 months
had been fully completed, and she had done 18 films.  There were only two
films still due on the original contract when it was terminated; why would
they have paid $350,000 (over 25% of the total contract) to pay off the last
two films (10% of the total contract)?  Another indication that the $350,000
figure is unreasonable is in the lawsuit filed against her mother, stating
that between April 1, 1920 (when she turned 18) and January 23, 1923 (when
the contract terminated) Shelby had received $700,000 of Minter's money from
the studio.

   #96. (131) It is stated that Carl Stockdale had starred in one of Mary's
early Paramount pictures.  Stockdale had played supporting roles in several
of Mary's movies made for American Film, but was not in any of her Paramount
films.

   #97. (131) Margaret died in 1939, not 1937.  The date is correctly given
later in the book.

   #98. (131) It is stated that Mary Miles Minter made six more pictures
after the Taylor murder.  But Minter only made four more pictures after the
murder: "South of Suva," "Drums of Fate," "The Cowboy and the Lady," and
"The Trail of the Lonesome Pine."  All her other pictures had been completed
before the murder.

#99. (136) The AMERICAN FILM INSTITUTE CATALOG, FEATURE FILMS: 1911-1920,
does not indicate that Florence Vidor appeared in any films with Mary Miles
Minter.

   #100. (142) In 1937, Faith MacLean "partially identified" Carl Stockdale
as having been the person she saw leaving Taylor's home after the shot was
fired.[102]  This directly contradicts the report that she was certain the
person was Charlotte Shelby.

   #101. (144) Ike St. Johns was secretary and campaign manager for Mayor
Meredith Snyder, but Snyder lost his bid for re-election in 1921.  At the
time of the Taylor murder, George Cryer was Mayor.  A few months prior to
the murder, Ike St. Johns was reportedly called as a Grand Jury witness to
testify about political corruption in the Snyder administration.[103]  Ike St.
Johns was not working for the Mayor's office at the time of the murder.

   #102. (Photo insert) The photograph identified as the coroner's
photograph of Taylor is not Taylor--no coroner's photograph of Taylor was
taken.  That photograph is actually the suicide victim in Connecticut who
was at one time rumored to be Sands.  On March 7, 1922 the HARTFORD COURANT
printed this very same photo and said it was the coroner's photo of the
local suicide victim.  There was some speculation that the unidentified
victim might be Sands, and the next day the COURANT reported that a copy of
the photo was being sent to the Los Angeles authorities to determine whether
or not the individual was indeed Sands.  So although this photo was in the
police file of the Taylor case, it is not a photo of Taylor.

   #103. (Photo insert) Taylor's funeral was held on February 7, 1922, not
February 8, as any contemporary newspaper accounts will verify.

   #104. (Photo insert) The "I love you" letter shown in A CAST OF KILLERS
is a forgery.  A photograph of the genuine letter was printed in the press
shortly after the murder; the wording is the same, but the monogram, layout
and handwriting is different.[104]  The handwriting on the real letter is
identical with Minter's handwriting which appears on the photograph of hers
which was found in Taylor's bungalow.[105]

   #105. Photo insert) The photograph identified as Faith MacLean is not
Faith MacLean, but rather a photo of Kathlyn Williams (Mrs. Charles Eyton)--
she signed Taylor's death certificate identifying the body.[106]

   #106. (Photo insert) The woman identified as Mary Miles Minter, in the
film still with King Vidor, is not Minter.

   #107. (Photo insert) One photo is identified as "William Desmond Taylor
and Mary Pickford, 1919," but according to Robert Birchard the man in the
photo is not Taylor--this was a publicity photo taken for the film "Amarilly
of Clothesline Alley," and the man was a Canadian officer.  That film was
made and released in 1918, before Taylor even entered the British (not
Canadian) army.  Also, the man in the picture has a mustache, and no
accounts indicated Taylor ever grew a mustache during his Army years, or
during the years of his film career.

   #108. (Photo insert) One photograph of the Shelby-Minter family is
identified as having been taken at Casa de Margarita "c. 1919," but the
family did not move into Casa de Margarita until April 1921.[107]  In 1919 the
family lived in Santa Barbara (while her contract with American Film was
concluding), then on Fifth Avenue in New York (while competing producers
were trying to outbid each other for a contract with Minter), and, at year's
end, in the Mathewson house at 56 Fremont in Los Angeles.

   #109. (Photo insert) The photograph identified as "Sands" is actually
Harry Fellows.  Sands was NEVER Taylor's chauffeur, he was Taylor's
valet/cook.  The photograph on the dust jacket was indeed published and
erroneously identified as Sands, but the next day:
         The photograph of Taylor and a man thought to be Edward F. Sands
      which appeared in yesterday's EXAMINER was identified as that of Harry
      Fellows in company with the slain director.  Fellows, an assistant
      director, declared the picture was taken some time ago.[108]
Harry Fellows was Taylor's chauffeur before becoming his assistant director.
When Taylor bought his new expensive McFarlan late in 1920, several photos
were taken with Taylor in the car, and a few of them had Harry Fellows
behind the wheel.  (Harry Fellows should not be confused with his brother,
Howard Fellows, who was chauffeur at the time of Taylor's death.)[109]

   #110. (149, 153) Mary Miles Minter described a gas station robbery in
Taylor's neighborhood by three youths on the night Taylor was killed; the
book implies no such robbery actually took place.  Although not as close as
Mary claimed, the following reported robbery was still within walking
distance of Taylor's residence:
         [After giving the details of a robbery that took place at 10 p.m.
      on the night of the murder] ...Earlier in the evening...three bandits
      held up an oil filling station at 601 South Catalina Street and robbed
      William Barer, the manager, of $100.[110]

   #111. (164) It is stated that published reports indicated Taylor's front
door was unlocked when Peavey arrived.  On the contrary, the early press
reports stated: "The door, which has a night latch, was locked from the
outside, but the latch was set so that no key was necessary to accomplish
this."[111]

   #112. (164) The book indicates that as soon as Peavey discovered the
body, the landlord was next to enter, followed immediately by Douglas
MacLean.  But in Douglas MacLean's official statement, he said that he was
in bed when he heard Peavey yelling that Taylor was dead.  MacLean said he
got dressed first and then went to Taylor's house; when he got there the
house was already full of people:
         "In the morning I heard someone screaming in the court.  At first
      it was just a lot of jumbled noise.  We sat bolt upright in bed and
      listened...I hurried into my clothes and went over to Mr. Taylor's
      house. It was full of people."[112]

   #113. (164) Douglas MacLean did not live in the bungalow directly
opposite Taylor.  He lived in #406-B, which was the bungalow at right angles
to Taylor's.  MacLean's bungalow faced Alvarado.[113]  The book's diagram is
likewise in error regarding the location of the MacLean residence.

   #114. (164) The book reports that Jessurum [sic] and MacLean stated to
the police that Taylor's body was found with one arm extended--the body was
not "laid out."  But Jessurun later returned to the scene with Woolwine and
a posed photo was taken in the exact position he purportedly first saw the
body.  Both arms were at Taylor's sides.[114]  Douglas MacLean stated, in his
own official statement:
         "...He was lying flat on his back, his feet separated a little, his
      hands at his side, perfectly flat on his back.  I said to Mrs.
      MacLean, later on, 'He looked just like a dummy in a department store,
      so perfect, so immaculate.'"[115]

   #115. (165) Neal Harrington is identified as a "resident of a building
across the street," but press items indicated that Harrington was staying
with Verne Dumas in apartment 408-A of Taylor's apartment complex.[116]

   #116. (167) It is stated that after the first policeman (Ziegler) arrived
at the death scene at 8:00 a.m., no reporters were allowed inside Taylor's
home.  But in his autobiography, reporter Frank Bartholomew of United Press
states he arrived at the scene the same time as the deputy coroner and that
"roaming the house," Bartholomew went upstairs and personally saw the
nightgown.[117]

   #117. (168) The statement that Taylor had keys which fit no known locks
did not originate from the police but from the person in charge of
administering Taylor's estate:
         In an effort to locate William Desmond Taylor's lost will Public
      Administrator Frank Bryson Friday began a search of safety deposit
      boxes in Los Angeles' 100 banks and bank branches.  "I have some of
      Taylor's keys," Bryson said, "but I don't know what they fit."  The
      keys were tried out on several safety deposit boxes in downtown banks
      Thursday but found not to fit.[118]

   #118. (168) The coroner's report states that the bullet
         "...passed out of the chest on the right side of the middle line,
      posterior to the right collar bone [behind the collar bone], and
      entered the tissues of the neck..."[119]
The bullet did not actually strike the collar bone.

   #119. (169) By the time Mary arrived, the "EXTRA" newspapers may have
indeed been on the streets.  A telegram had been sent at 10:08 a.m. which
referred to newspaper accounts of the killing.[120]  Mary later stated it was
around 11:00 a.m. when she was notified by her mother that Taylor had been
killed.[121]

   #120. (169) It is stated that Captain Adams allowed Mary Miles Minter to
enter Taylor's bungalow when she arrived at the murder scene on the morning
Taylor's body was found.  But Peavey's official statement indicates Mary did
not go inside.[122]  In Mary's own statements to the press, she also makes no
mention of going inside the building--as soon as she learns Taylor's body
has already been taken to the undertakers she immediately leaves and goes
there.[123]

   #121.  (169)  Minter's presence at the bungalow that morning  was  indeed
reported  in  several local papers and by several wire  services.   The  LOS
ANGELES RECORD even quoted her comments at the scene:
      Tears streaming down her pretty face, Mary Miles Minter, famous
      motion picture star, hurried to the door of the Taylor bungalow at
      noon today and asked brokenly:
         "It isn't true, is it?"
         "Taylor is dead," said Detective Sergeant H. J. Wallis.
         "Oh, my God, I can't believe it," Miss Minter cried with a gesture
      of despair.
         She turned in her grief to her mother [grandmother], who had
      accompanied her to the bungalow court in her automobile.
         "And I saw him only yesterday," she said. "His car passed mine at
      Seventh and Alvarado--it was the first time I knew it was gray."
         ...The star cried and offered to do anything she could to aid
      police in solving the mystery.[124]

   #122. (170) The existence of the blonde hairs found on Taylor was
initially kept quiet by the police.  But in 1926 the briefcase belonging to
District Attorney Asa Keyes was stolen by Hearst reporters, and the
existence of the hairs became widespread public knowledge.  The banner
headline from the LOS ANGELES EXAMINER on March 26, 1926 was: BLONDE HAIRS
CLEW IN TAYLOR CASE.[125]  Additional publicity was given to the blonde hairs
in 1930 by Edward King.[126]

   #123. (173) The rumor that the police found a closet full of women's
underwear did not originate from the studios.  The rumor grew from
statements made by Earl Tiffany and Henry Peavey:
         From former employees of Mr. Taylor it was learned that silken
      things unknown in a man's wardrobe were among the effects of Mr.
      Taylor.  That the police found evidence of this was learned for the
      first time yesterday, following the stories related by two former
      employees.
         Henry Peavey, the houseman who discovered the body last Thursday
      morning, declared he had seen at least one pink silk nightgown there.
         In connection with this, it also was learned yesterday how Edward
      F. Sands, former secretary, accused robber and forger and now being
      sought as a material witness in the murder case, spied on his employer
      while working for Mr. Taylor.
         Sands related his observations to Earl Tiffany, former chauffeur
      for Mr. Taylor, so Mr. Tiffany says.  He observed silken things of
      pink hue in the upstairs rooms of the expensively appointed apartment.
      His curiosity was aroused.
         So Sands folded the garments in a trick manner, according to the
      story related by Mr. Tiffany, who was employed at the same time as was
      Sands.  The result of the servant's trap were that became convinced
      the garments were not merely kept there for sentimental reasons.  He
      paid particular attention to the visitors to the Taylor home, it was
      declared, and drew his own conclusion.
         Peavey stated last night he remembered seeing at least one pink
      nightgown.[127]
The stories of a supposed closet full of women's lingerie did not come until
many years later when sensationalist publications sought to "spice up" this
original item.

   #124. (175) Denis Deane Tanner had indeed been an employee of Taylor's.
But after Taylor deserted his wife, Denis went to work for another store
across town.[128]

   #125. (175) It is stated that Taylor was best man at the wedding of Denis
and Ada Tanner in 1907.  But in her statements to the press, Ada said that
the first time she met Taylor was after the birth of her first child in
1908.[129]

   #126. (176) The police did not feel obliged to comment on all the wild
stories which were appearing in print after the murder.  But they did
discredit the theory that Sands and Denis were the same person:
         Detectives ridiculed a theory advanced today that Sands may have
      been Dennis Tanner... Tanner, if alive, would be considerably more
      than 40, it was said, while Sands' age is 25.[130]
And years later, when the theory resurfaced, District Attorney Buron Fitts
stated:
         "...the [finger]prints of [Denis] Deane-Tanner and Sands are
      definitely of two different men."[131]
The handwriting of Sands and Denis Tanner were also compared and found to be
totally different.[132]

   #127. (181) No early published accounts made any statement to the effect
that Taylor had met with Berger in his bungalow on the day he was killed.

   #128. (177) The estimate of Taylor's 1922 financial worth as $1.5 million
(adjusted for inflation to 1967) seems quite unrealistic.  The total value
of Taylor's estate, as inherited by his daughter (his sole heir) was
$18,733.[133]

   #129. (179) It is stated that on the last day of his life, February 1,
Taylor ordered flowers for both Mary Miles Minter and Mabel Normand.  But
according to the probate papers, Taylor's last order with his regular
florist, S. Murata & Company, was placed on January 31.

   #130. (181) Berger met with Taylor at her office in the AFTERNOON, when
Shelby reportedly called looking for Mary.  Mary claimed to have been home
reading a book in the EVENING. These are two different periods of time.
Taylor reportedly left Berger's office around 4:00 p.m.[134]

   #131. (184) The question is raised as to why, in the year following the
murder, Minter was only questioned once.  Yet, earlier in A CAST OF KILLERS
on p. 169 it is stated that she was questioned at the scene by Captain Adams
who indicated she had an acceptable alibi for her whereabouts the previous
evening.  Press reports also indicated she was questioned again on
February 4:
         Late last night Detective Captain Adams, after a three hours
      conference with Mary Miles Minter, issued an official statement in
      which he said, "Detective Sergeants Cato and Cahill, together with
      myself, interviewed Miss Minter.  We talked with her several hours
      regarding her relations with Taylor.  We are absolutely satisfied that
      Miss Minter knows nothing that will throw any light at all on this
      mystery nor do we believe that she is even remotely connected with the
      case."[135]
It was also reported that detectives King and Winn questioned Minter.[136]  So
although her session with William Doran on February 7 was the only time a
stenographer took Minter's statement verbatim, there were certainly other
instances when she was questioned by the investigators.

   #132. (183-4) It is implied that no attempt was made to question
Charlotte Shelby in the year following the murder.  On the contrary,
Detectives King and Winn attempted to question her, but she refused to talk
to them:
         After questioning Miss Minter, we went to the home of her mother,
      Mrs. Charlotte Shelby, to question her regarding any knowledge she
      might have of the mystery.
         Mrs. Shelby was preparing to leave for New York on the 6:00 o'clock
      train. When I requested an interview, she came to the door, fastening
      her dress. She informed me coldly that her attorneys, Mr. Mott and Mr.
      Cassill, were in the house for the purpose of answering questions, and
      that she was in too much of a hurry to reach New York to devote any
      time to an investigation about which she knew nothing.[137]

   #133. (184) In 1926 Charlotte Shelby was not "declared innocent without a
trial" and "officially exonerated from blame."  In 1929, Shelby issued a
written statement recalling the 1926 meeting with Keyes:
         "...My attorney and I invited his questioning me, thereupon
      demanding a statement vindicating me. His statement was promised
      within three days, but I was unable to get this satisfaction."[138]
And Keyes, referring to the 1926 episode, replied:
         "I exonerated no one in the case and refused to do so until the
      guilty person was arrested and prosecuted."[139]

   #134. (184) The book states that the police knew more about Taylor and
Minter's relationship than even the most muckraking of journalists had
suspected.  But the "muckraking journals" suspected and implied that Taylor
and Minter had an extremely sexual relationship (which the presence of the
purportedly initialed nightgown implied).  If, as indicated in the book, the
police had concluded Taylor and Minter had not made love, than this was less
(not more) than the "muckraking journals" suspected.

   #135. (187) Charlotte Whitney reportedly states that she had never been
questioned by investigators on the case prior to 1925.  Yet the LOS ANGELES
TIMES did report that she had indeed been questioned shortly after the
murder.[140]

   #136. (188) Keyes did not wait four months after Charlotte Whitney's
testimony before "deciding" to question Shelby.  Shelby went to Louisiana
for a court case (a relative was contesting the will of Shelby's mother,
Julia Miles)[141] and then to New York; as soon as she returned to Los
Angeles, Keyes did question her.  Also, it is natural that Keyes would want
to question Minter--who was potentially a star witness--prior to questioning
Shelby; but Minter was in New York at that time, so a trip to New York had
to be made in order for Keyes to first question Minter.

   #137. (192) According to newspaper reports there were over 300 written
confessions received within five weeks of the murder, not one year.[142]
These press items were obviously enhanced--a much more plausible report
stated that the 300 figure included letters from people who "know" who the
murderer is; in other words, the 300 figure included tips, hunches and
purported visions by psychics.[143]  In his 1930 article detective Ed King
stated that about a dozen persons had confessed to the murder.[144]

   #138. (213) Cahill reportedly states that every time Mabel told her story
of that evening she said that Taylor had "received" the telephone call; but
in her official statement to the D.A. she makes no mention of whether Taylor
made the call or received it--she only states that Taylor was talking on the
phone when she arrived.[145]  If Taylor was talking to Moreno, then the call
was "made" and not "received," as Taylor was returning Moreno's earlier
call.

   #139. (213) Cahill reportedly states that it was very strange for
Taylor's door to have been open when Mabel arrived; it was far too cold to
have the door open.  But in an interview Mabel stated:
         "A peculiarity the director had was that he never closed his front
      door during the day and seldom at night..."[146]
Taylor's favorite sports were golf, hunting and camping; he may have had a
touch of claustrophobia.  In any event, it was Taylor's normal behavior to
have his door open.

   #140. (214) Mary Miles Minter was not present at Taylor's inquest; she
was in seclusion.

   #141. (216) The book implies that Eyton planted the nightgown in Taylor's
bedroom on the morning the body was found in order to make the public
believe that Taylor was quite a ladies' man.  Yet reportedly Eyton, one of
the few to actually see the nightgown, tried to discredit it:
         [from an interview with Paramount executive Frank A. Garbutt]
         "Take the pink nightgown for example.  I have talked to Charles
      Eyton about it.  He told me that he saw the nightgown at the house
      after the murder.  He said it was in a box which he opened while going
      through Taylor's effects.  He said that he barely glanced at the
      garment, but the thought flashed through his mind that it was
      something that Taylor had probably bought for his daughter."[147]
And Peavey told reporters that the nightgown had been there earlier:
         Peavey contributed additional information regarding the night
      dress.  When he entered Taylor's employ some six months ago, he said,
      he straightway began to put his master's room in order.  Among several
      articles lying around he noticed a small flat green box; he found that
      it contain a pink silk garment--a woman's.  It had a lace edging. He
      placed this in one of the bureau drawers, where it remained surviving
      even the two burglarious raids of Sands, his predecessor as Taylor's
      valet.[148]

   #142. (216) Suppose the nightgown did have the "MMM" initials on it--how
could it possibly have been planted by the studio?  There was only a half
hour between the time the body was discovered by Peavey and the time the
police arrived.  Someone in a position of authority like Eyton would have
had to learn about the death, obtain a nightgown, have initials embroidered
on it, go to the murder scene, and plant the nightgown, all within a half-
hour.  The top priority of the studio employees was to remove damaging items
from the murder scene (correspondence, liquor, etc.) before the police
arrived.  There was no time to obtain, initialize, and plant a nightgown.

#143. (219) The book concludes that "obviously" there never was a
mysterious doctor who stated Taylor died of a stomach hemorrhage.  But Eyton
told of the doctor, under oath, at the inquest; he volunteered the
information, it was not given in response to a question.  It is very
doubtful that he would perjure himself unless he were asked a specific
question to which he felt compelled to lie.  Also, the doctor was mentioned
in the official statement made by Douglas MacLean.[149]  Naturally, once the
doctor later learned of his mistaken diagnosis, he would not be anxious to
step forward and identify himself as the incompetent doctor at the scene.

   #144. (219) It is stated that Cato was totally convinced shortly after
the murder that Sands had nothing to do with Taylor's killing.  Yet in the
1929/30 flare-up of the case, the contrary was reported:
         Captain Ray Cato, chief of the police homicide squad said yesterday
      that he still believed Sands was the murderer of Taylor.[150]
and two days later
         ...Captain E. Ray Cato, who was one of the investigators, likewise
      stated that all the police records point more strongly to Sands as the
      killer than to any other person.[151]

   #145. (219-20) The press evidence leads to the conclusion that the
suicide in Connecticut was not Sands.  In 1926, Keyes took a coast-to-coast
trip investigating several leads on the case. Upon his return it was
reported:
         ...[Keyes] visited Bridgeport, Conn., where police told him that
      three years ago Captain Jim Bean of the Los Angeles police department
      had investigated the death of a man there thought at one time to have
      been Edward F. Sands, former valet to Taylor, and the suspected
      slayer.  Bean at that time learned for certain that the man buried in
      Bridgeport was not Sands, and made a formal report.[152]

   #146. (231) Chapter 32 of A CAST OF KILLERS, supposedly detailing the
meeting between Vidor and Hopkins, is worded very strangely.  During the
meeting, "Vidor" launches a defamatory attack on Taylor's character and,
from his conversation with Hopkins, Vidor supposedly concludes that:
(a) Taylor was homosexual; (b) Taylor liked to molest young boys; (c) the
room which Taylor rented for Peavey is where Taylor would molest the boys;
(d) Peavey would solicit the young boys for Taylor; (e) Peavey's recent
arrest in Westlake Park was for one such solicitation for Taylor.  And yet
Hopkins is quoted as saying NONE of that!  "Vidor" pulls each theory out of
the air and "Hopkins responded with an affirmative silence."  "Hopkins
raised his glass in salute." etc.  All the defamatory confirmation is in
"Vidor's" own head!  (Kirkpatrick doesn't even have "Hopkins" nodding in
agreement.)  Assuming Kirkpatrick has accurately portrayed this meeting
between Hopkins and Vidor, it would appear Vidor is a true psychic--someone
who can distinguish between an affirmative silence, a negative silence, and
a noncommittal silence.  That chapter's conclusions defy credulity.  (In
1922, would someone use a black servant like Peavey--who was 40 years old
and very big--to solicit young boys?)  To brand Taylor as a molester of
young boys on such flimsy and unsubstantiated theorizing is totally at odds
with Taylor's character as revealed in the material published prior to his
death, and with the published statements (and not silences) of those who
knew him.  When Mabel Normand was interviewed after Taylor's death, she
recalled her last meeting with Taylor and said Taylor told her he would
stand by Peavey if he were innocent of any wrongdoing, but if Peavey were
guilty he would have to fire him.[153]  Mabel also reportedly stated,
"I begged that Billy wouldn't fire him [Peavey] on a rumor which might be
false."[154]  There is no reason to believe that Peavey's acts which led to
his arrest were done on behalf of Taylor, or that Taylor even condoned those
acts.  And exactly what is it that Peavey is supposed to have done?  In the
earlier chapters of A CAST OF KILLERS it is just referred to as a "morals
charge" (p. 7, 139, 176), even when discussing the contents of the police
file on the murder.  Los Angeles newspaper reports are vague, "asserted acts
of indecency several days ago in Westlake Park"[155] or "charged with being
lewd and dissolute"[156] or "social vagrancy."[157]  Does Vidor/Kirkpatrick
really have any grounds for his statement later in the book that the
allegation was "soliciting young boys"?  In A DEED OF DEATH, Giroux says the
allegation was indecent exposure.[158]  If Giroux is correct, then the charge
might have been based on nothing more substantial than Peavey urinating
behind a bush in the park (perhaps Peavey had previously experienced
unpleasant racial confrontations in public restrooms), and a white
policeman's desire to rid the park of "undesirable" individuals.

   #147. (251) All of the legal material involving Charlotte Shelby was not
filed under the name "Lily Pearl Miles."  Most legal documents are under the
name "Pearl Miles Reilly."  Even her death certificate reads "Pearl Miles
Reilly AKA Charlotte Shelby."

   #148. (251) Press evidence indicates the first Minter-Shelby lawsuit over
the money earned by Mary was filed in 1925 and not three months after the
murder.[159]

   #149. (252) It is stated that beginning in 1922, Leslie Henry had, at
Shelby's instructions, transferred sums from Minter's account to Shelby.
But in Leslie Henry's testimony he stated that at that time he had no
account whatsoever for Minter.  Shelby herself testified that she had set up
a small personal checking account for Minter, but everything else (cash,
stocks and bonds) had been deposited in Shelby's own accounts: "I was not
concerned about what belonged to me and what belonged to Mary."[160]

   #150. (252) The book claims Les Henry stated that all his improper
financial transactions were done with Shelby's knowledge and consent, but
press evidence (including the letter from him reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 41)
indicates Les Henry fully admitted to stealing the Shelby money.[161]  He
eventually pleaded guilty to ten felony counts of grand theft and forgery,
admitting to robbing Shelby's account of over $40,000.[162]

   #151. (253) It is stated that Leslie Henry began working for Shelby in
1918.  But in his testimony he stated he first did business with her in
1920.[163]

   #152. (255) It is stated that Shelby "paid off" Asa Keyes to avoid
prosecution.  But that makes no sense.  The testimoney of Leslie Henry
indicated that Shelby was very much afraid of being prosecuted by Keyes.
(See TAYLOROLOGY 5 and 35.)  Shelby fled to Europe in 1926 and remained
there for over three years, not returning until Keyes was out of office and
safely behind bars himself.  Leslie Henry's testimony in TAYLOROLOGY 5 and
35 does not give any indication of a Keyes payoff; the opposite is implied--
that Shelby had had no previous dealings whatsoever with Keyes and she fled
the country to escape his reach.

   #153. (255) As stated earlier on p. 131, Mary's Paramount contract
terminated in 1923, not 1922.

   #154. (255) Mary did not move to New York until August 1924.[164]  When her
grandmother became ill in April 1925, she returned to Los Angeles and lived
in Casa Margarita with the family for several months before returning to New
York again.[165]

   #155. (255) Regarding the lawsuit between Minter and Shelby, the book
states that case had gone to trial and the judge was ready to hand down his
decision when Minter and Shelby settled out of court, with Minter only
receiving $25,000.  But press reports indicated that the case had not gone
to trial, and that Minter and Shelby were both in Paris when they reconciled
and settled out of court on January 24, 1927.  Minter received $150,000 in
bonds plus ownership of Casa Margarita.[166]  Press reports also indicated
that a $100,000 trust fund had previously been set up for Minter, on
July 22, 1924.[167]

   #156. (257) Press evidence indicates Mary did not arrive in Los Angeles
three hours after Julia Miles had died; Mary was making preparations to
leave for Los Angeles when word of her grandmother's death came.  Shelby
ordered a quick funeral, and Mary was not even present for the funeral.[168]

   #157. (257-8) It is stated that after Margaret made inflammatory
statements in the 1937 Fillmore vs. Shelby lawsuit, the trial concluded with
the judge ordering Margaret to appear before district attorney Buron Fitts
to answer any questions he might have about the Taylor murder.  We have not
seen the judge's order, so we cannot be certain that this statement is
incorrect.  However, the verdict in that trial was given on September 23,
1937.  A CAST OF KILLERS is clearly implying that the judge's order for
Margaret to appear before Fitts was responsible for the 1937 flare-up of the
case.  On the contrary, Margaret made her statement before Fitts four months
earlier, on May 5, 1937, and appeared before the grand jury on May 6, 1937.
Both events took place three months before the Fillmore vs. Shelby trial
even began, on August 13, 1937.  The 1937 grand jury investigation into the
Taylor murder was initiated at the request of Charlotte Shelby.  Yes, AT THE
REQUEST OF CHARLOTTE SHELBY!  It was her request that began the whole 1937
investigation into the case (see TAYLOROLOGY 22), not the order of a judge.

   #158. (258) Casa de Margarita was not sold by Shelby in 1926.  It was
part of the Paris settlement with Mary.  On January 24, 1927, an agreement
was signed whereby Mary received $150,000 in bonds plus ownership of Casa de
Margarita in settlement of all claims against her mother.[169]  The mansion
was sold by the bank to collect unpaid mortgage payments in 1932.[170]

   #159. (258) Charlotte Shelby did not sail to Europe prior to Margaret
Shelby's marriage to Hugh Fillmore.  The marriage took place a year before
Shelby sailed for Europe.

   #160. (258) Margaret Shelby and Hugh Fillmore were married in Casa
Margarita on May 26, 1925, not in 1926.[171]

   #161. (258) Charlotte Shelby was present at the wedding of Margaret
Shelby and Hugh Fillmore.  The L.A. TIMES even published a photo of the
wedding party, with Charlotte standing next to the bride and groom.[172] Also
attending the wedding were Mr. and Mrs. Leslie Henry.  Margaret was not "cut
off financially" at the time of her marriage.

   #162. (258-9) The marriage of Margaret Shelby Fillmore and Emmett J.
Flynn was not motive for murder.  Contrary to what is stated in A CAST OF
KILLERS, this is the true sequence of events: Margaret is committed to a
mental hospital by Charlotte Shelby on August 5, 1936, primarily because of
Margaret's erratic behavior due to alcoholism[173] and because Shelby felt
Margaret was too unstable to testify in the lawsuit against the brokerage
firm.[174]  After her release, Margaret sues Shelby in October 1936, and is
estranged from her for the remainder of her life.  Margaret and Flynn are
married in March 1937; a few days after the marriage both are arrested on
charges of public intoxication.[175]  In April 1937 the marriage is annulled--
not because of anything Shelby does, but because Flynn is already
married.[176]  The Margaret/Flynn marriage has no effect on the estranged relationship
between Margaret and Shelby.

   #163. (266) There was no "secret conversation" between Taylor and
Kirkwood a few days before the murder.  Kirkwood was not in America at that
time.[177]

   #164. (267) The book contends that Mary Miles Minter was in Taylor's
bungalow during Mabel Normand's last visit.  Not likely.  In 1930 Peavey
expressed his belief to reporters that Mabel killed Taylor.  Peavey
expressed the same opinion in 1922, shortly after the murder, during his
abduction by Hearst reporters.[178]  Peavey had good reasons, from his
perspective, to believe Mabel Normand was guilty.[179]  His 1930 statement was
essentially an unburdening of his conscience.  If Mary were still in the
bungalow when Peavey left, it is inconceivable that Peavey would not have
mentioned it in 1930 or that he would have been so certain about Mabel
Normand's guilt.  In Peavey's official statement made in 1922, he stated
that he was aware of only one visit by Mary to Taylor's home, and that visit
took place shortly after he first began working for Taylor (in August
1921).[180]  In 1930, Peavey declared that he had been ordered to keep quiet
about the argument he witnessed between Mabel and Taylor during Mabel's last
visit.  If Peavey had also been ordered to keep quiet about Mary's presence
in the bungalow, surely he would have said so at this time.  It also is
inconceivable that Mary could have been in the bungalow without Peavey
knowing about it.  During Mabel's visit Taylor asked her out for dinner--she
declined.  In her official statement she said: "Mr. Taylor asked me if I had
had dinner.  I told him I had not and he said, 'Oh, then please let me take
you out to dinner.'"[181]  Would Taylor have asked Mabel out to dinner if Mary
were waiting upstairs?  Not likely.

   #165. (267) On June 13, 1941, Detective Lieutenant Leroy Sanderson wrote
a lengthy letter summarizing the evidence in the Taylor case, and in
particular the case against Charlotte Shelby.  The letter was reprinted in
WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 315-330.  There are some major
differences between Margaret Shelby's 1937 testimony summarized there, and
the testimony of Margaret Shelby reportedly related by Sanderson to Vidor in
A CAST OF KILLERS.  At the time the 1941 letter was written, Margaret Shelby
was already dead, so she did not make any further testimony after
Sanderson's letter was written.  This the relevant portion of the Sanderson
letter:
         ...A detailed written statement was taken from Mrs. Margaret
      Fillmore, May 5, 1937.  In this statement Margaret disclosed that what
      she had said in her previous statements of March 10, 1926 and
      March 13, 1926 was not true.  That she had only tried to cover up for
      her mother regarding the Taylor murder.  She stated in substance, that
      on the night of February 1, 1922, Mary had been locked in her room by
      her mother, because Mrs. Shelby feared that Mary was going to run away
      with Taylor.  That Mary left the house early in the evening, exact
      time unknown, and returned about 8:30 p.m.  That she was nervous and
      upset and was crying.  That later on that evening, although Mary and
      she were very bad friends, Mary came to her room and asked to remain
      there, stating that she was lonesome and didn't wish to be alone.
         She stated that when Mrs. Shelby arrived at the Hobart house, early
      in the morning, she walked into Mary's bedroom and told her that Miss
      Berger had phoned her that morning and said that Taylor was dead.  She
      stated that later Mary told her that she was sure her mother either
      killed Taylor or was present when he was killed.  She also stated that
      during August of 1922, Mrs. Julia Miles carried the gun used in the
      Taylor murder, to her plantation near Vastron, Louisiana and threw it
      into a bayou.  She stated that a Doctor and Pauline Johnson resided on
      a plantation just across the bayou from Mrs. Miles' place.  That
      Doctor Johnson was a well known dentist in Vastron and probably knew
      about Mrs. Miles throwing the gun into the bayou.
         Margaret stated, both verbally and in her last written statement,
      that Mrs. Shelby had made many conflicting statements as to her
      whereabout and actions on the night of February 1, 1922.  She stated
      that Mrs. Shelby had told her family she had hired a private taxi
      about 6 p.m. February 1, 1922 and had been driven to a Swedish
      Eucalyptus Bath House, north of Hollywood Boulevard.  She also stated
      that she had questioned the Doctor, who operated the Bath House, and
      after searching his records he informed Margaret that Mrs. Shelby had
      not been there that night.
         Mrs. Shelby also stated that about 7 p.m., February 1, 1922, Carl
      Stockdale had called on her, at 701 New Hampshire, and they had
      sandwiches and milk together.  He remained there until about 9 p.m.
      Margaret stated that her mother was in constant fear for several years
      after the Taylor murder, that Mary would talk too much and would
      involve her in the murder.  That she was very much afraid of District
      Attorney Asa Keyes...[182]
In the above summary, nothing is said about Shelby taking the pistol with
her on the night of the murder.  It is unbelievable that Sanderson would
have omitted mentioning that incident, if Margaret had indeed made such a
statement.

   #166. (267) In Sanderson's letter nothing is said about Minter giving
details on the night of the murder to Margaret about Taylor's death, nothing
about Minter telling Margaret that she (Minter) had been upstairs during
Mabel Normand's visit, or about Minter telling Margaret that she (Minter)
had personally witnessed Shelby shooting Taylor.  If these statements had
been truly made by Margaret, surely Sanderson would have mentioned them in
his letter.  Instead, he writes that Margaret "stated that later [after the
morning of February 2] Mary told her that she was sure her mother either
killed Taylor or was present when he was killed."  The phrase "or was
present when he was killed" clearly contradicts what is attributed to
Margaret in A CAST OF KILLERS, with Minter supposedly suggesting that
someone else may have assisted Shelby and killed Taylor on behalf of Shelby,
in Shelby's presence.  In addition, Sanderson's letter theorizes that
perhaps either James Kirkwood or Carl Stockdale killed Taylor on behalf of
Shelby--further indication that Sanderson had NEVER heard Margaret
supposedly state that Minter told Margaret that she (Minter) had personally
witnessed Shelby shooting Taylor. (Sanderson was obviously also unaware that
Kirkwood was out of the country at the time of the murder.)

   #167. (267) The timetable of Margaret's statement in the Sanderson letter
explicitly contradicts the timetable supposedly related by Margaret in A
CAST OF KILLERS.  In the Sanderson letter, Margaret stated that "Shelby had
told her family she had hired a private taxi about 6 p.m."--indicating that
Shelby was not at the Hobart house past that time (since Shelby was
explaining where she had been during that time).  Then the Sanderson letter
has Margaret stating that Mary "returned about 8:30 p.m."  So in the
Sanderson letter, Margaret's testimony indicated there was a minimum of two
and one-half hours between the time Shelby left and the time Minter
returned.  But A CAST OF KILLERS has Margaret stating that Mary returned
only one hour after Shelby left, a clear contradiction.

   #168. (268) A CAST OF KILLERS states that "The woman dressed like a man
that Faith MacLean saw was Charlotte Shelby, dressed in a long coat."  That
statement defies credulity.  In her statement to the District Attorney,
Faith MacLean stated that the person she saw was about five feet nine and
believed he wore a dark suit.  "He was not a well-dressed man.  He was
dressed like my idea of a motion picture burglar."[183]  Charlotte Shelby was
several inches shorter and was always well-dressed.  A woman, dressed in a
woman's long coat, seen from a distance of about 20 feet, could not possibly
look like a man dressed in a dark suit.  Also, a "motion picture burglar"
would not have worn a long coat.  Some writers (St. Johns, Ed King) have
expressed the opinion that Shelby committed the murder dressed like a man.
But A CAST OF KILLERS seems to express the opinion that Shelby committed the
murder dressed like a woman but was mistaken for a man!

   #169. (282) The book contends that Mary knew her mother killed Taylor.
Really?  Consider: Mary's infatuation/love for Taylor stayed with her for
the remainder of her life.  A few years before her death she stated, "I
worshipped him in life...I worship him today."[184]  Between 1923-1926, there
was a fierce public battle waged between Mary and her mother regarding the
money Mary had earned as a film star.  Yet in 1927, there was a settlement
between Mary and Shelby, and a true reconciliation.  During the 1937 Grand
Jury investigation, and in interviews given later, Mary defended her mother:
"...mother knew nothing of it [the murder]"[185]; and "She [Adela Rogers St.
Johns] has pilloried a very good woman [Charlotte Shelby], a very innocent
woman, who was not particularly well-liked, straight as a die, who had not
the slightest occasion to be killing Mr. Taylor."[186]  It is unbelievable
that Mary would have reconciled with Shelby and defended her so strongly if
Mary thought Shelby were guilty of killing the love of her life.

#170. (285) Charlotte Shelby's death certificate clearly lists the
primary cause of death as cerebral thrombosis.

   #171. (286) Margaret Shelby Fillmore's death certificate, #39-074319, is
on file under her legal name of Alma Margaret Fillmore, with the causes of
death listed as alcoholic congestion, acute cardiac dilitation, and postal
cirrhosis.

   #172. (287) Peavey's last statements to the press did not claim that an
actress and her mother killed Taylor--only an actress.  From the context,
the actress Peavey suspected is clearly Mabel Normand.[187]

   #173. (287) Peavey died in 1931, not 1937:
         Confirming the fact of Peavey's death, a telegram was received late
      yesterday from J. M. Scandland, superintendent of the Napa State
      Hospital, in which it was declared that the valet, suffering from
      general paresis, was admitted to the hospital in 1930 and died on
      December 27, 1931.[188]

   #174. (188) It is stated that for many years THE HONEYCOMB "contained the
only no-holds-barred account of the Taylor slaying."  By what criteria?  The
Taylor case recap in THE HONEYCOMB is very short and superficial--St. Johns
even mixes up Sands and Peavey.  THE HONEYCOMB certainly did not agree with
A CAST OF KILLERS' views on Taylor's purported homosexuality; according to
THE HONEYCOMB Taylor was "debauching" Minter and carrying on a scandalous
affair with her.  Nor was St. Johns the first writer to indicate that
Charlotte Shelby was the killer; Ed King reached the same conclusion in his
1930 article (reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 50), which was far more substantial
than St. Johns' recap of the case written four decades later.  Some other
writers had also indicated Shelby was a prime suspect--for example, William
H. A. Carr, in HOLLYWOOD TRAGEDY, 1962, which even mentioned Minter's
abortion from her affair with Kirkwood.  In our opinion, the most useful
account of the Taylor slaying written prior to the 1980's was in KING OF
COMEDY, due to the quantity of verbatim official testimony it contained from
the files of the District Attorney. In fact, more verbatim official
testimony appears in KING OF COMEDY than in A CAST OF KILLERS.

   #175. (297) It is stated that the 1941 Sanderson letter "indisputably
supports all of Mr. Vidor's findings in connection with his examination of
L.A.P.D. files."  However, reportedly (pp. 184-5) the police file indicated
that Taylor consistently refused Minter's advances.  Contrarily, the
Sanderson letter states "Mrs. Shelby...had threatened several times to kill
Taylor, because she had a full knowledge of the affair that existed between
him and Mary", indicating that there was indeed a sexual relationship
between Taylor and Minter.  We are not arguing that Taylor actually had a
sexual relationship with Minter--on this particular subject we feel that
Taylor probably did not have a sexual relationship with Minter.  Our point
though, is that Sanderson's letter does not "indisputably support" this
finding.

     * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Thus concludes our listing of 175 errors, contradictions, and illogical
statements in A CAST OF KILLERS.  The sum total of the above list
establishes the book's lack of historical value.  Shelby may have indeed
killed Taylor, or had him killed, but convincing proof has not yet been
presented.  She certainly feared prosecution and conviction for the Taylor
murder (the same was undoubtedly true of Sands), but that does not prove her
guilt. If a defender of A CAST OF KILLERS wishes to issue a scholarly point-
by-point rebuttal of items in the above list, citing sources, we will be
glad to offer "equal time" and present that rebuttal in a future issue of
TAYLOROLOGY.
     A CAST OF KILLERS also reports some testimony attributed to Leslie
Henry which we have never seen and remain skeptical unless we see
verification: (1) Did Leslie Henry, who had a wife and daughter, really
testify to being physically intimate with Shelby?  (2)  Did Leslie Henry
really testify that Shelby stated that Asa Keyes would require more money
than Woolwine?

      * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Anyone who delves deeply into the Taylor case soon forms opinions about the
probability of rumored incidents, the characters of the people involved, and
their relationships with each other.  The following are some opinions we have
formed which are contrary to A CAST OF KILLERS:
     Based on the statements made by Neva Gerber and Taylor's associates, we
feel confident that Neva Gerber and Taylor had a genuine romantic
relationship which lasted from 1914 to 1919.  It was not just "studio
publicity"--in fact, we have never seen ANY "studio publicity" which linked
them together.
     Based on the statements made by Taylor's associates, and the photo of
Mabel Normand which Taylor carried with him in a small frame engraved "to my
dearest," we feel confident that Taylor had a genuine romantic relationship
with Mabel Normand, and that Taylor's feelings for Mabel were probably
stronger than Mabel's feelings for him.
     Based on the fact that Taylor had given Minter a photograph which he
autographed "Yours now and forever," we feel that Taylor probably had
romantic feelings for Minter, at least during 1919-1920.[189]
     Based on the interviews we have read with Mary Miles Minter, her
reported reaction on the day after the murder, and the statements made by
those associated with her, we do not believe that Minter was in Taylor's home
during Mabel Normand's last visit, or that Minter had any knowledge of
Taylor's death before the morning of February 2, 1922.
     Based on the sum total of everything we have read about Taylor, and the
statements made by his associates, we do not believe that Taylor was a child
molester.

     Despite our criticism of A CAST OF KILLERS we do appreciate its
publication, because it brought the William Desmond Taylor case to many new
readers.  If it had not been written, A DEED OF DEATH, WILLIAM DESMOND
TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, and electronic TAYLOROLOGY itself, all might never have
been published.  For taking that first step, A CAST OF KILLERS receives our
thanks.
*****************************************************************************
NOTES:
[1] See Mack Sennett and Cameron Shipp, KING OF COMEDY (Doubleday, 1954).
[2] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 24, 1922).
[3] See SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 6, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY
62.
[4] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 4, 1937).
[5] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 8, 1922).
[6] LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 17, 1922). Also see LOS ANGELES EXAMINER
(February 15, 1922).
[7] LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 7, 1922).
[8] See TAYLOROLOGY 19.
[9] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 58.
[10] See NEW YORK HERALD (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 45.
[11] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922), NEW YORK HERALD (February 6,
1922) and NEW YORK AMERICAN (February 14, 1922).
[12] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 216.
[13] One of the coded letters from Minter to Taylor can be seen at
http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/MMMCodeLetter.pdf
[14] See, for example, LOS ANGELES HERALD (August 14, 1923).  Also see LOS
ANGELES RECORD (February 3, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 60: "...here I
was home, reading a book--enjoying it so much--and he was lying there in his
apartment, stone dead."  "Here" refers to the home on Hobart; note the
reference in the interview to the "quaint adobe home".  Also see TAYLOROLOGY
6 and 35.
[15] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (October 4, 1922).
[16] For some rumors on Dixon see TAYLOROLOGY 7.
[17] SANTA ANA REGISTER (March 18, 1922). Other articles gave the suspect's
name as Walter Kirby.
[18] See SACRAMENTO BEE (March 18, 1922), LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 3, 1922)
and TAYLOROLOGY 50.
[19] See LOS ANGELES RECORD (January 6, 1930) and TAYLOROLOGY 50.
[20] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 11, 1937).
[21] LOS ANGELES HERALD (January 14, 1930).
[22] LOS ANGELES NEWS (February 24, 1930).
[23] LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 6, 1922).
[24] See PANTOMIME (March 18, 1922) and NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (February 12,
1922).
[25] A copy of Taylor's birth certificate (William Cunningham Deane Tanner) is
at http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/birth.pdf.
[26] See A DEED OF DEATH, p. 52.
[27] See A DEED OF DEATH, p. 148.
[28] NEW YORK DAILY NEWS (February 6, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 45.
[29] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 17, 1922).
[30] SANTA BARBARA PRESS (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 29.
[31] NEW YORK AMERICAN (February 13, 1922). He had been given the nickname
"Pete" by friends in New York. His movements were so calculating and
deliberate that they sarcastically called him "P.D.Q." which was shortened to
"Petey" and then "Pete." See WASHINGTON TIMES (February 14, 1922) reprinted
in TAYLOROLOGY 45.
[32] NEW YORK HERALD (February 6, 1922).
[33] NEW YORK HERALD (February 5, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 19 and 62.
[34] DENVER POST (March 3, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 19.
[35] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 42.
[36] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 62.
[37] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 41-42.
[38] See NEW YORK AMERICAN (February 13, 1922).
[39] See Kevin Brownlow, HOLLYWOOD: THE PIONEERS (Knopf, 1979), p. 111.
[40] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922).
[41] See Douglas Whitton, "Mystery Woman Director," CLASSIC IMAGES (July
1985).
[42] See TAYLOROLOGY 40.
[43] See TAYLOROLOGY 40.
[44] LOS ANGELES TIMES (June 4, 1918).
[45] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 4, 1922).
[46] See SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE (February 7, 1922).
[47] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 92-104.
[48] LOS ANGELES HERALD (December 18, 1919).
[49] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1922), reprinted in WILLIAM DESMOND
TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 95.
[50] See LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 2, 1922) and LOS ANGELES EXAMINER
(February 5, 1922).
[51] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 291.
[52] See TAYLOROLOGY 20.
[53] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 5, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 57.
[54] LOS ANGELES TIMES (March 5, 1922).
[55] NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (January 22, 1922).
[56] NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (February 5, 1922).
[57] See Edward Wagenknecht, THE MOVIES IN THE AGE OF INNOCENCE (Ballantine,
1971), p. 229.
[58] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 15, 1922).
[59] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 243.
[60] See Sidney Sutherland, "Mabel Normand--Comedienne and Madcap," LIBERTY
(September 27, 1930), reprinted at
http://www.mdle.com/ClassicFilms/FeaturedStar/mabel4.htm.
[61] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 11, 1922).
[62] See LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 4, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 61.
[63] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 11, 1922).
[64] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 14, 1922).
[65] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 15, 1922).
[66] See TAYLOROLOGY 21.
[67] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 7, 1922)
[68] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 241-259.
[69] See TAYLOROLOGY 58.
[70] See Betty Fussell, MABEL (Ticknor & Fields, 1982), p. 179, and MABEL
NORMAND: A SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS.
[71] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 222.
[72] See LOS ANGELES HERALD (January 9, 1922), reprinted in MABEL NORMAND: A
SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS, p. 133.
[73] HOLLYWOOD: THE YEARS OF INNOCENCE (Abbeville, 1985), p. 94.
[74] See clippings in MABEL NORMAND: A SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS, pp.
264-5.
[75] LOS ANGELES DAILY NEWS, February 25, 1930, reprinted in MABEL NORMAND: A
SOURCE BOOK TO HER LIFE AND FILMS.
[76] KING OF COMEDY, p. 244.
[77] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 62.
[78] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 15, 1922).
[79] See TAYLOROLOGY 50.
[80] SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 4, 1922).
[81] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 3, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 56.
[82] CLASSIC IMAGES No. 70.  Also see ROSCOE "FATTY" ARBUCKLE: A BIOGRAPHY OF
THE SILENT FILM COMEDIAN by Stuart Oderman (McFarland, 1994); and MABEL, pp.
80-81.
[83] See TAYLOROLOGY 8.
[84] See TAYLOROLOGY 30.
[85] See THE HONEYCOMB, p. 106.
[86] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 4, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 60;
and LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 57 and
61.
[87] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 57.
[88] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 4, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 60
[89] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 5, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 57.
[90] LOS ANGELES HERALD (August 14, 1923).
[91] SHREVEPORT TIMES (May 23, 1902). Charlotte Shelby was Mrs. J. Homer
Reilly, and Julia Miles was Charlotte Shelby's mother.
[92] See NEW YORK CLIPPER (September 9, 1911).
[93] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 22, 1937).
[94] WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 62.
[95] See TAYLOROLOGY 11.  Minter was 17 in 1919.
[96] See NEW YORK TELEGRAPH (November 16, 1919).
[97] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (April 27, 1921) and LOS ANGELES TIMES (April 24,
1921).
[98] See TAYLOROLOGY 35.
[99] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 11, 1922).
[100] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (January 30, 1925).
[101] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (December 9, 1922).
[102] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 329.
[103] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (October 13, 14 and 17, 1921).
[104] A copy of the genuine letter can be seen at
http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/MMMLoveLetter.pdf.  See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER
(February 7, 1922), SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 8, 1922), AMERICAN
WEEKLY (February 25, 1940) or CLASSIC IMAGES (Winter 1977) for other photos
of this letter.
[105] See http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/MMMPhoto.pdf for a copy of the
Minter photo autographed to Taylor.  Note that the signature is the same as
in the above letter. This photo originally appeared in the LOS ANGELES
EXAMINER (February 4, 1937).
[106] A genuine photograph of Faith MacLean can be seen at
http://www.public.asu.edu/~bruce/MacLeans.pdf. Another photo of her can be
seen in MOVIE WEEKLY (February 14, 1925).
[107] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (April 27, 1921) and LOS ANGELES TIMES (April 24,
1921).
[108] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 17, 1922).
[109] For a genuine photo of Sands, see A DEED OF DEATH, p. 126, and Capt.
Jesse Winn, "Who Killed William Desmond Taylor?" in FRONT PAGE DETECTIVE
(June 1937), p. 81.
[110] LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 2, 1922)
[111] LOS ANGELES TIMES, February 3, 1922
[112] KING OF COMEDY, pp. 234-5.
[113] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 3, 1922), LOS ANGELES EXPRESS
(February 3, 1922), LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6, 1922), LOS ANGELES
HERALD (February 9, 1922), LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 12, 1922) and KING
OF COMEDY, p. 226.
[114] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 11, 1922).
[115] KING OF COMEDY, p. 235.
[116] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 12, 1922).
[117] See BART: MEMOIRS OF FRANK H. BARTHOLOMEW (Vine Press, 1983), p. 26.
[118] LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 10, 1922).
[119] A DEED OF DEATH, p. 246.
[120] See DENVER POST (February 26, 1922).
[121] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (August 15, 1923), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 11.
[122] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 228.
[123] See Charles Higham, CELEBRITY CIRCUS (Delacorte, 1979) p. 113.
[124] LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 2, 1922).
[125] See TAYLOROLOGY 14.
[126] See TAYLOROLOGY 50.
[127] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 6, 1922).
[128] See NEW YORK AMERICAN (February 13, 1922).
[129] See TAYLOROLOGY 58.
[130] CHICAGO HERALD-EXAMINER (February 8, 1922).
[131] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 3, 1937).
[132] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (February 2, 1937) for comparison of the
handwriting.
[133] See WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, p. 331.
[134] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 17, 1922).
[135] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 5, 1922).
[136] See TAYLOROLOGY 50.
[137] Ed King, "I Know Who Killed Desmond Taylor", TRUE DETECTIVE MYSTERIES
(October 1930), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 50. Also LOS ANGELES NEWS (September
9, 1937) for the testimony of Jesse Winn.
[138] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (December 24, 1929).
[139] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (December 24, 1929).
[140] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 12, 1922).
[141] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (March 31, 1926).
[142] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (March 6, 1922).
[143] See BOSTON HERALD (March 8, 1922).
[144] See TAYLOROLOGY 50.
[145] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 244.
[146] LIBERTY (September 27, 1930).
[147] DENVER POST (February 9, 1922).
[148] SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 6, 1922).
[149] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 235.
[150] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (December 22, 1929).
[151] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (December 24, 1929).
[152] LOS ANGELES RECORD (March 30, 1926).
[153] See LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 2, 1922) reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 56.
[154] LOS ANGELES EXPRESS (February 6, 1922), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 64.
[155] LOS ANGELES TIMES (February 3, 1922).
[156] LOS ANGELES RECORD (February 3, 1922).
[157] LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 3, 1922).
[158] See A DEED OF DEATH, p. 28.
[159] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (January 30, 1925).
[160] See TAYLOROLOGY 35.
[161] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (December 23, 1932), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 41.
Also see LOS ANGELES TIMES  (May 22, 1936).
[162] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (April 11, 1933).
[163] See TAYLOROLOGY 35.
[164] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (August 4, 1924).
[165] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (April 25, 1925).
[166] See TAYLOROLOGY 35 and See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 29, 1936).
[167] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (October 11, 1956).
[168] See PHOTOPLAY (February 1926) and LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (February 6,
1927).
[169] See LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (May 29, 1936).
[170] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (December 28, 1932).
[171] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 27, 1925).
[172] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 27, 1925).
[173] See LOS ANGELES TIMES (September 1 and 4, 1937).
[174] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (May 6, 1937), reprinted in
TAYLOROLOGY 12.
[175] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (March 20, 1937).
[176] See LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (April 26, 1937).
[177] See TAYLOROLOGY 20.
[178] See SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER (February 21, 1922) and note 39 to TAYLOROLOGY
50.
[179] See TAYLOROLOGY 6.
[180] See KING OF COMEDY, p. 228.
[181] KING OF COMEDY, p. 244.
[182] WILLIAM DESMOND TAYLOR: A DOSSIER, pp. 324-325.
[183] KING OF COMEDY, p. 236.
[184] MABEL, p. 177.
[185] LOS ANGELES HERALD-EXPRESS (May 6, 1937), reprinted in TAYLOROLOGY 12.
[186] CELEBRITY CIRCUS, p. 111.
[187] See LOS ANGELES RECORD (January 7, 1930) and note 39 to TAYLOROLOGY 50.
[188] LOS ANGELES TIMES (May 11, 1937).
[189] For an excellent reproduction of the photo autographed from Taylor to
Minter, see TRUE CRIME: UNSOLVED CRIMES (Time-Life Books, 1993), p. 143.
*****************************************************************************
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