2 articles
2nd is 'The campaign to seperate Church and state'

************   Thinking about Anarchism  **********
                      Religion
                         from WS 45 (1995)

The popular stereotype of anarchists' relationship 
to religion is that we are all priest-killers and 
church-burners.  This is, as is usually the case 
with mainstream representations of anarchism, 
almost completely false.  It is useful in the wake 
of the clerical paedophile scandals and the general 
stranglehold that the church exerts on Irish 
society to give a truer explanation of our 
position.

Anarchists are materialists.  We understand that 
there is a real and concrete basis for the way 
society is organised right now. Religion generally 
sees society as god given and inevitable.  Almost 
all world religions claim that the poor will be 
rewarded in the afterlife for passively accepting 
their lot in this one.

Religion is by its nature authoritarian, whether to 
a greater of lesser extent.  It is based on 'faith' 
and obedience.  The reality we face is of churches 
that are involved in the repression of women, of 
gay people and all of those who seek to change the 
face of the traditional (nuclear) family.  It is no 
coincidence that fundamentalists of all religions, 
from Ireland to Iran, seek to push back the 
progress made by women in the workplace and the 
sexual revolution.

Church power in Ireland

As anarchists we oppose this authoritarianism.  We 
are fighting to break the power of the church in 
Ireland.  This power is immense.  As well as it's 
direct wealth, they control over 3,000 out of the 
3,500 primary schools in the 26 counties, despite 
the fact that all the staff wages and 90% of 
building costs are paid by the State.  They also 
control 67% of secondary schools and own Maynooth 
College.  They have a majority on the boards of 
about half the hospitals.  This allows them to veto 
even legal operations such as sterilisations.   

However it is not enough just to oppose the 
churches' power.  As Anarchists we must offer a 
real practical alternative analysis of society.  
The stronghold that the church has is not simply a 
result of historical circumstances, it offers 
something that people want.  It offers an 
explanation of all sorts of natural and personal 
disasters, by saying that they are "the will of 
god".  It offers hope in a world where misery, 
poverty, ignorance, frustration and alienation are 
endemic.

To break this stranglehold we need a strategy that 
unites our vision of a better world in the here and 
now with struggles that bring people into conflict 
with clerical power and show up religion as a prop 
for the status quo, that stands in the way of their 
needs and desires.  In Ireland this means fighting 
against clerical control of schools, hospitals, 
etc. It also means fighting for separation of 
church and state.

Church and State

The question that often arises is "surely as 
Anarchists you are against the state as well?"  The 
simple answer is that we are but we are also for 
fighting for improvements to people's lives in the 
here and now.  Breaking the stranglehold of the 
church would ease the way for divorce, reproductive 
rights including abortion, along with stopping 
church control of schools.  

For us religion is a private matter.  It should 
enjoy no special privileges, tax reliefs etc.  We 
expect members to be involved in the struggle 
against the power and control exercised by the 
churches.  Nonetheless members can hold religious 
beliefs provided they fully accept this aspect.

In short we fight religion by fighting its root 
causes.  The Workers Solidarity Movement is 
fighting for an anarchist society where people will 
come to realise that they have no need for religion 
or other mystical ideas.  We challenge religion in 
a practical way by showing where it obstructs 
social progress and by leading the challenge to it 
at every opportunity.

Louise Tierney

*****************

    from Workers Solidarity No 32
    paper of the Irish anarchist
    Workers Solidarity Movement

                  Church and State

THE CAMPAIGN to Separate Church and State have 
been busy.  They've being taking a court case against 
the govern-ment for employing Chaplains in Vocational 
schools.  The 26 county Constitution prohibits the state 
from "endowing" reli-gion.  Though we wouldn't place 
much faith in the courts or De Valera's Constitution 
our-selves we got to admit that they've got a point, 
paying for these 30 priests and ministers is costing the 
taxpayer £800,000-£1,000,000.  However this is only the 
tip of the iceberg! 

The Catholic church in Ireland has always been massively 
supported by the State and allowed a huge say in the 
running of the country.  This article will attempt to cover 
the facts of church power in Ireland and the long history of 
State support beginning hundreds of years be-fore the 
establishment of the 26 county state. 

RELIGIOUS BELIEF 

Firstly it must be made clear that we see religion as a 
personal matter.  Everyone should be free to worship as 
they want and hold whatever beliefs they want.   We 
condemn totally any attacks on an individual's re-ligious 
freedom.

Equally we are opposed to any-one telling us how to run our 
lives, including religious leaders.  This article will hopefully 
show how organised religion works with State and bosses to 
oppress all whatever  their per-sonal  religious beliefs.  
Within the Irish 26 counties we are referring of course to 
the Catholic church  ...and now a brief his-tory lesson.

A BIT OF HISTORY 

In 1951 Noel Browne, Minister for Health in the "inter-
party" coalition government, intro-duced his "Mother and 
Child Scheme".  This was a proposal for free gynaecological 
care for pregnant women and a compre-hensive health 
programme for children up to 16.

Following their Autumn meet-ing in Maynooth the Catholic 
bishops sent a letter to the gov-ernment.
	"The powers taken by the State in the proposed 
Mother and Child health service are in direct 
opposition to the rights of the family and of the 
individual and are liable to very great abuse. Their 
character is such that no assurance that they would be 
used in moderation could justify their enactment. If 
adopted they would constitute a ready-made instrument 
for totalitarian aggression"(!)

Such was the power of the bishops (helped by other 
conserva-tives and with the strong support of many wealthy 
doctors fear-ing for their practices) that this tripe was 
sufficient to send Labour and Clann na Poblachta tripping 
over each other to catch up with Fine Gael in the "No" 
lobby. Noel Browne was forced to resign.

THE CHURCH AS CAPITALISTS
	
The church's fear of "totalitarian aggression" (i.e. 
communism) is of little surprise when you consider it's 
material base in society.  Recently (1987) the church's total 
assets in Dublin alone amounted to £100 million, with an 
estimated income of £7.5 million per year.

According to the Irish Independent (31/01/83) it owned 234 
churches, 713 schools, 473 houses and 100 community 
centres in Dublin.  In 1979 in the midst of appalling poverty 
they spent £2.5 million on the pope's visit. 
	
Needless to say the ordinary members of this company (i.e. 
the vast majority of Irish people) have no shares, and voting 
rights lie in the hands of a non-elected board of 
management: the Bishops. 	
	
As well as it's direct wealth, it has a massive amount of 
control in State institutions. They control 3,300 out of the 
country's 3,500 primary schools despite the fact that all the 
staff wages and 90% of building costs are paid by the State.  
They also control 67% of secondary schools and own 
Maynooth College.  They have a majority on the boards of 
most orphanages, 'reform schools' and hospitals.  This allows 
them to veto even legal operations such as sterilisations in 
most hospitals. 

KEEPING  IN WITH THE 
IN-CROWD

The Catholic church has always known which side it's bread 
was buttered on.  It worked hand in glove with British 
imperial-ism (while engaging in a little nationalist posturing 
to main-tain it's credibility with the masses) and after 1921 
worked to prop up the weak Irish ruling class.  They opposed 
the first stirring of radical democracy and egalitarian 
republicanism of the United Irishmen at the end of the 
Eighteenth century.  

In 1795 the English authorities began to recognise their 
useful-ness and helped build Maynooth seminary to replace 
the one in Paris destroyed by "Godless French 
revolutionaries".  The cornerstone laid by the Lord 
Lieutenant in 1795 was the rock on which the clerical elite 
was to build it's power over the next 200 years.
	 
In 1799 the bishops met at Maynooth to vote their support 
for the Act of Union.  In 1845 Robert Peel (the English 
Prime Minister) trebled the annual grant for Maynooth and 
gave them a large sum to expand the college.  During the 
famine Bishops hardly commented on the mass starvation 
gripping the country while grain exports to England 
continued to grow. 

KITTY O'SHEA
	
They opposed the Fenians and even constitutional 
nationalists like Parnell, whom they hounded out of politics 
after his affair with Kitty O'Shea.  The Catholic hierarchy 
was in the front-line in condemning the locked-out workers 
in 1913.  Priests and lay Catholic activists physically 
prevented children of the strik-ers being sent on holiday to 
trade union families in "Godless" England during the 
dispute.
	
The 1916 proclamation repre-sented the views of the more 
radical wing of the Irish bourgeoisie & intellectuals and had 
a vague aspiration to "cherish all the children of the nation 
equally".  After 1921 the Free State government and the 
weak Irish ruling class fell back into the arms of the church.  
The bishops con-demned the anti-treaty side in the civil war, 
recognised the "legitimate government" and attacked 
republicans for "causing criminal damage". 
	
After the war both pro- (Cumann na Gael/Fine Gael) and 
anti- (Fianna F‡il) treaty sides were in the palm of it's hand.  
In 1923 the Censorship of Films Act was passed, 1924 saw 
the Intoxicating Liquor Act, in 1925 divorce was out-lawed 
and in 1929 the Censorship of Publications Board was 
established.  

In 1937 De Valera's Constitution was passed with the 
bishops being consulted on every syllable.  Among its 
articles was:
	"The  State recognises the special position of the 
Holy Catholic and Apostolic Roman Church as the 
guardian of the faith professed by the majority of 
citizens".  (This was not repealed until 1972).
	
Fine Gael did not allow them-selves to be outdone in abject 
grovelling.  In 1947 Costelloe, head of the new coalition 
gov-ernment, wrote to the pope:
	"on the occasion of our assumption of 
office......my colleagues and myself  desire to repose at 
the feet of your holiness the assurance of our filial 
loyalty and our devotion to your August person".

A NEW IRELAND?

The 1960s and 70s saw an upturn in the Irish economy with 
international investment.  This led to an increase in the 
number of women working out-side the home, and combined 
with  the emergence of the Irish womens' movement, led to 
a slight weakening of the church's position.  In 1979 Fianna 
F‡il actually went against the hierarchy to bring in limited 
availability of condoms. 

But the 1980s saw a series of defeats for liberal reforms. In 
1980 Noel Browne, once again, got the thin end of the stick 
when not one T.D. would support his divorce bill.  In 1983 
the Constitution was amended to "uphold the right to life of 
the unborn".  In 1985 a "Lenten Pastoral" forbade Catholic 
hospitals carrying out sterilisa-tions.  In 1986 an amendment 
to the Constitution allowing divorce in very limited circum-
stances was defeated.

However there are some definite signs of a weakening of the 
ideological power of the church in Ireland.  There has been 
a decrease in both church atten-dance and "vocations to the 
priesthood" since the 1970s. For example there has been a 
9% drop in Mass attendance between 1974 and 1989, 
attendance at confession has declined from 47% to 18% 
(according to a re-cent survey by Rev. Michael Mac Grail - 
Irish Times 2/3/1991).  The recent election of a "liberal" 
woman President (Mary Robinson) and the Fianna F‡il 
attempt to widen the availability of condoms would also 
seem to confirm this.

 
IS THERE A WAY OUT?

Though we must acknowledge that liberals such as the 
Campaign to Separate Church and State have the right 
idea, we don't think that their methods will work.  We stand 
for the complete separation of Church and State.  Yes, I 
know some-body will point out that we oppose the State as 
well. This is a tactical question, just as our opposition to 
the wages system doesn't stop us looking for higher wages.  

In the short-term we have to fight against clerical control of 
hospitals, schools, community centres and youth clubs.  We 
also fight against the laws which place restrictions on 
peoples' personal lives.  The WSM is in favour of 
campaigning for the best possible secular laws in the areas 
of divorce, contracep-tion, abortion, sterilisation, adoption 
and gay & lesbian rights.  

We fully realise that there are limits to what can be 
achieved under the present system, but that should stop 
nobody seeking to win those limited goals that are 
immediately possible. 

A victory in any one of these struggles exposes the wide 
powers of the church and shows whose side it is on.  It 
creates the possibility of involving more people in future 
struggles.  The long-term alternative we offer of a new free, 
self-managed  world where people control their own lives 
will be one in which the mystical and authoritarian ideas of 
most religions will probably attract little support.

Des McCarron
	

	 
THE CAMPAIGN to Separate Church and State 
have been busy.  They've being taking a court case 
against the govern-ment for employing Chaplains 
in Vocational schools.  The 26 county Constitution 
prohibits the state from "endowing" reli-gion.  
Though we wouldn't place much faith in the courts 
or De Valera's Constitution our-selves we got to 
admit that they've got a point, paying for these 30 
priests and ministers is costing the taxpayer 
£800,000-£1,000,000.  However this is only the tip of 
the iceberg! 

The Catholic church in Ireland has always been 
massively supported by the State and allowed a huge 
say in the running of the country.  This article will 
attempt to cover the facts of church power in Ireland and 
the long history of State support beginning hundreds of 
years be-fore the establishment of the 26 county state. 

RELIGIOUS BELIEF 

Firstly it must be made clear that we see religion as a 
personal matter.  Everyone should be free to worship as 
they want and hold whatever beliefs they want.   We 
condemn totally any attacks on an individual's re-ligious 
freedom.

Equally we are opposed to any-one telling us how to run 
our lives, including religious leaders.  This article will 
hopefully show how organised religion works with State 
and bosses to oppress all whatever  their per-sonal  
religious beliefs.  Within the Irish 26 counties we are 
referring of course to the Catholic church  ...and now a 
brief his-tory lesson.

A BIT OF HISTORY 

In 1951 Noel Browne, Minister for Health in the "inter-
party" coalition government, intro-duced his "Mother and 
Child Scheme".  This was a proposal for free 
gynaecological care for pregnant women and a compre-
hensive health programme for children up to 16.

Following their Autumn meet-ing in Maynooth the 
Catholic bishops sent a letter to the gov-ernment.
	"The powers taken by the State in the 
proposed Mother and Child health service are in 
direct opposition to the rights of the family and of 
the individual and are liable to very great abuse. 
Their character is such that no assurance that 
they would be used in moderation could justify 
their enactment. If adopted they would constitute a 
ready-made instrument for totalitarian 
aggression"(!)

Such was the power of the bishops (helped by other 
conserva-tives and with the strong support of many 
wealthy doctors fear-ing for their practices) that this tripe 
was sufficient to send Labour and Clann na Poblachta 
tripping over each other to catch up with Fine Gael in the 
"No" lobby. Noel Browne was forced to resign.

THE CHURCH AS CAPITALISTS
	
The church's fear of "totalitarian aggression" (i.e. 
communism) is of little surprise when you consider it's 
material base in society.  Recently (1987) the church's 
total assets in Dublin alone amounted to £100 million, 
with an estimated income of £7.5 million per year.

According to the Irish Independent (31/01/83) it owned 
234 churches, 713 schools, 473 houses and 100 
community centres in Dublin.  In 1979 in the midst of 
appalling poverty they spent £2.5 million on the pope's 
visit. 
	
Needless to say the ordinary members of this company 
(i.e. the vast majority of Irish people) have no shares, 
and voting rights lie in the hands of a non-elected board 
of management: the Bishops. 	
	
As well as it's direct wealth, it has a massive amount of 
control in State institutions. They control 3,300 out of 
the country's 3,500 primary schools despite the fact that 
all the staff wages and 90% of building costs are paid by 
the State.  They also control 67% of secondary schools 
and own Maynooth College.  They have a majority on the 
boards of most orphanages, 'reform schools' and 
hospitals.  This allows them to veto even legal 
operations such as sterilisations in most hospitals. 

KEEPING  IN WITH THE 
IN-CROWD

The Catholic church has always known which side it's 
bread was buttered on.  It worked hand in glove with 
British imperial-ism (while engaging in a little nationalist 
posturing to main-tain it's credibility with the masses) 
and after 1921 worked to prop up the weak Irish ruling 
class.  They opposed the first stirring of radical 
democracy and egalitarian republicanism of the United 
Irishmen at the end of the Eighteenth century.  

In 1795 the English authorities began to recognise their 
useful-ness and helped build Maynooth seminary to 
replace the one in Paris destroyed by "Godless French 
revolutionaries".  The cornerstone laid by the Lord 
Lieutenant in 1795 was the rock on which the clerical 
elite was to build it's power over the next 200 years.
	 
In 1799 the bishops met at Maynooth to vote their 
support for the Act of Union.  In 1845 Robert Peel (the 
English Prime Minister) trebled the annual grant for 
Maynooth and gave them a large sum to expand the 
college.  During the famine Bishops hardly commented on 
the mass starvation gripping the country while grain 
exports to England continued to grow. 

KITTY O'SHEA
	
They opposed the Fenians and even constitutional 
nationalists like Parnell, whom they hounded out of 
politics after his affair with Kitty O'Shea.  The Catholic 
hierarchy was in the front-line in condemning the locked-
out workers in 1913.  Priests and lay Catholic activists 
physically prevented children of the strik-ers being sent 
on holiday to trade union families in "Godless" England 
during the dispute.
	
The 1916 proclamation repre-sented the views of the 
more radical wing of the Irish bourgeoisie & intellectuals 
and had a vague aspiration to "cherish all the children of 
the nation equally".  After 1921 the Free State 
government and the weak Irish ruling class fell back into 
the arms of the church.  The bishops con-demned the 
anti-treaty side in the civil war, recognised the 
"legitimate government" and attacked republicans for 
"causing criminal damage". 
	
After the war both pro- (Cumann na Gael/Fine Gael) and 
anti- (Fianna F‡il) treaty sides were in the palm of it's 
hand.  In 1923 the Censorship of Films Act was passed, 
1924 saw the Intoxicating Liquor Act, in 1925 divorce 
was out-lawed and in 1929 the Censorship of 
Publications Board was established.  

In 1937 De Valera's Constitution was passed with the 
bishops being consulted on every syllable.  Among its 
articles was:
	"The  State recognises the special position of 
the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Roman Church as 
the guardian of the faith professed by the majority 
of citizens".  (This was not repealed until 1972).
	
Fine Gael did not allow them-selves to be outdone in 
abject grovelling.  In 1947 Costelloe, head of the new 
coalition gov-ernment, wrote to the pope:
	"on the occasion of our assumption of 
office......my colleagues and myself  desire to repose 
at the feet of your holiness the assurance of our 
filial loyalty and our devotion to your August 
person".

A NEW IRELAND?

The 1960s and 70s saw an upturn in the Irish economy 
with international investment.  This led to an increase in 
the number of women working out-side the home, and 
combined with  the emergence of the Irish womens' 
movement, led to a slight weakening of the church's 
position.  In 1979 Fianna F‡il actually went against the 
hierarchy to bring in limited availability of condoms. 

But the 1980s saw a series of defeats for liberal reforms. 
In 1980 Noel Browne, once again, got the thin end of the 
stick when not one T.D. would support his divorce bill.  
In 1983 the Constitution was amended to "uphold the 
right to life of the unborn".  In 1985 a "Lenten Pastoral" 
forbade Catholic hospitals carrying out sterilisa-tions.  In 
1986 an amendment to the Constitution allowing divorce 
in very limited circum-stances was defeated.

However there are some definite signs of a weakening of 
the ideological power of the church in Ireland.  There has 
been a decrease in both church atten-dance and 
"vocations to the priesthood" since the 1970s. For 
example there has been a 9% drop in Mass attendance 
between 1974 and 1989, attendance at confession has 
declined from 47% to 18% (according to a re-cent survey 
by Rev. Michael Mac Grail - Irish Times 2/3/1991).  The 
recent election of a "liberal" woman President (Mary 
Robinson) and the Fianna F‡il attempt to widen the 
availability of condoms would also seem to confirm this.

 
IS THERE A WAY OUT?

Though we must acknowledge that liberals such as the 
Campaign to Separate Church and State have the right 
idea, we don't think that their methods will work.  We 
stand for the complete separation of Church and State.  
Yes, I know some-body will point out that we oppose the 
State as well. This is a tactical question, just as our 
opposition to the wages system doesn't stop us looking 
for higher wages.  

In the short-term we have to fight against clerical control 
of hospitals, schools, community centres and youth clubs.  
We also fight against the laws which place restrictions 
on peoples' personal lives.  The WSM is in favour of 
campaigning for the best possible secular laws in the 
areas of divorce, contracep-tion, abortion, sterilisation, 
adoption and gay & lesbian rights.  

We fully realise that there are limits to what can be 
achieved under the present system, but that should stop 
nobody seeking to win those limited goals that are 
immediately possible. 

A victory in any one of these struggles exposes the wide 
powers of the church and shows whose side it is on.  It 
creates the possibility of involving more people in future 
struggles.  The long-term alternative we offer of a new 
free, self-managed  world where people control their own 
lives will be one in which the mystical and authoritarian 
ideas of most religions will probably attract little 
support.

Des McCarron
