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          Contents of this file                           page

     SUFFRAGE ADDRESS.                                      1
     THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.                             7

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          Bank of Wisdom, Box 926, Louisville, KY 40201

                The Works of ROBERT G. INGERSOLL

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     This address was delivered at a suffrage Meeting in
Washington, D.C., January 24, 1880.

                        SUFFRAGE ADDRESS.

                              1880.

     LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I believe the people to be the only
rightful source of political power, that any community, no matter
where, in which any citizen is not allowed to have his voice in the
making of the laws he must obey, that community is a tyranny. It is
a matter of astonishment to me that a meeting like this is
necessary in the Capital of the United States. If the citizens of
the District of Columbia are not permitted to vote, if they are not
allowed to govern themselves, and if there is no sound reason why
they are not allowed to govern themselves, then the American idea
of government is a failure. I do not believe that only the rich
should vote, or that only the whites should vote, or that only the
blacks should vote. I do not believe that right depends upon
wealth, upon education, or upon color. It depends absolutely upon
humanity. I have the right to vote because I am a man, because I am
an American citizen, and that right I should and am willing to
share equally with every human being. There has been a great deal
said in this country of late in regard to giving the right of
suffrage to women. So far as I am concerned I am willing that every
woman in the nation who desires that privilege and honor shall
vote. If any woman wants to vote I am too much of a gentleman to
say she shall not. She gets her right, if she has it, from
precisely the same source that I get mine, and there are many
questions upon which I would deem it desirable that women should
vote, especially upon the question of peace or war. If a woman has
a child to be offered upon the altar of that Moloch, a husband
liable to be drafted, and who loves a heart that can be entered by
the iron arrow of death, she surely has as much right to vote for
peace as some thrice-besotted sot who reels to the ballot-box and
deposits a vote for war. I believe, and always have, that there is
only one objection to a woman voting, and that is, the men are not
sufficiently civilized for her to associate with them, and for
several years I have been doing what little I can to civilize them.
The only question before this meeting, as I understand it, is, 

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Shall the people of this District manage their own affairs --
whether they shall vote their own taxes and select their own
officers who are to execute the laws they make? and for one, I say
there is no human being with ingenuity enough to frame an argument
against this question. It is all very well to say that Congress
will do this, but Congress has a great deal to do besides. There is
enough before that body coming from all the States and Territories
of the Union, and the numberless questions arising in the conduct
of the General Government. I am opposed to a government where the
few govern the many. I am opposed to a government that depends upon
suppers, and upon flattery; upon crooking the hinges of the knee;
upon favors, upon subterfuges. We want to be manly men in this
District. We must direct and control our own affairs, and if we are
not capable of doing it, there is no part of the Union where they
are capable. It is said there is a vast amount of ignorance here.
That is true; but that is also true of every section of the United
States. There is too much ignorance and there will continue to be
until the people become great enough, generous enough, and splendid
enough to see that no child shall grow up in their midst without a
good, common-school education. The people of this District are
capable of managing their educational affairs if they are allowed
to do so. The fact is, a man now living in the District lives under
a perpetual flag of truce. He is nobody. He counts for nothing. He
is not noticed except as a suppliant. Nothing as a citizen. That
day should pass away. It will be a perpetual education for this
people to govern themselves, and until they do they cannot be manly
men. They say, though, that there is a vast rabble here. Very well.
Make your election laws so as to exclude the vast rabble. Let it be
understood that no man shall vote who has not lived here at least
one year.

     Let your registration laws prohibit any man from voting unless
he has been registered at least six months. We do not want to be
governed by people who have no abode here -- who are political
Bedouins of the desert. We want to be governed by people who live
with us -- who live somewhere among us, and whom somebody knows,
and if a law is properly framed there will be no trouble about
self-government in the District of Columbia. Let the experiment be
tried here of a perfect, complete and honest registration; let
every man, no matter who he is or where he comes from, vote only by
strict compliance with a good registry law. We can have a fair
election, and wherever there is a fair election there will be good
government. Our Government depends for its stability upon honest
elections. The great principle underlying our system of government
is that the people have the virtue and the patriotism to govern
themselves. That is the foundation stone, the corner and the our
base of our edifice, and upon it our Government is on trial to-day.
And until a man is considered infamous who casts an illegal vote,
our Government will not be safe. Whoever casts an illegal vote
knowingly is a traitor to the principle upon which our Government
is founded. And whoever deprives a citizen of his right to vote is
also a traitor to our Government. When these things are understood;
when the finger of public scorn shall be pointed at every man who
votes illegally, or unlawfully prevents an honest vote, then you
will have a splendid Government. It is humiliating for one hundred
and seventy-five thousand people to depend simply upon the right of
petition. The few will disregard the petition of the many.


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     I have not one word to say against the officers of the
District. Not a word. But let them do as well as they can; that is
no justification. It is no justification of a monarchy that the
king is a good man; it is no justification of a tyranny that the
despot does justice. There may come another who will do injustice;
and a free people like ours should not be satisfied to be governed
by strangers. They would better have bad men of their own choosing
than to have good men forced upon them. You have property here, and
you have a right to protect it, and a right to improve it. You have
life and liberty and the right to protect it. You have a right to
say what money shall be assessed and collected and paid for that
protection. You have laws and you have a right to have them
executed by officers of your own selection, and by nobody else. In
my judgement, all that is necessary to have these things done is to
have the subject properly laid before Congress, and let that body
thoroughly and perfectly understand the situation. There is no
member there, who rightly understanding our wishes, will dare
continue this disfranchisement of the people. We have the same
right to vote that their constituents have precisely -- no more and
no less.

     This District ought to have one representative in Congress, a
representative with a right to speak -- not a tongueless dummy. The
idea of electing a delegate who has simply the privilege of
standing around! We ought to have a representative who has not only
the right to talk, but who will talk. This District has the right
to a vote in the committees of Congress, and not simply the
privilege of receiving a little advice. And more than that, this
District ought to have at least one electoral vote in a selection
of a President of the United States. A smaller population than
yours is represented not only in Congress, but in the Electoral
College. If it is necessary to amend the Constitution to secure
these rights let us try and have it amended; and when that question
is put to the people of the whole country they will be precisely as
willing that the people of the District of Columbia shall have an
equal voice as that they themselves should have a voice.

     Let us stop at no half-way ground, but claim, and keep
claiming all our rights until somebody says we shall have them. And
let me tell you another thing: Once have the right of self-
government recognized here, have a delegate in Congress, and an
electoral vote for President, and thousands will be willing to come
here and become citizens of the District. As it is, the moment a
man settles here his American citizenship falls from him like dead
leaves from a tree. From that moment he is nobody. Every American
citizen wants a little political power -- wants to cast his vote
for the rulers of the nation. He wants to have something to say
about the laws he has to obey, and they are not willing to come
here and disfranchise themselves. The moment it is known that a man
is from the District he has no influence and no one cares what his
political, opinions may be. Now, let us have it so that we can vote
and be on an equality with the rest of the voters of the United
States. This Government was founded upon the idea that the only
source of power is the people. Let us show at the Capital that we
have confidence in that principle; that every man should have a
vote and voice in the South, in the North, everywhere, no matter
how low his condition, no matter that he was a slave, no matter 


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what his color is, or whether he can read or write, he is clothed
with the right to name those who make the laws he is to obey. While
the lowest and most degraded in every State in this Union have that
right, the best and most intelligent in the District have not that
right. It will not do. There is no sense in it -- there is no
justice in it -- nothing American in it. If this were the case in
some of the capitals of Europe we would not be surprised; but here
in the United States, where we have so much to say about the right
of self-government, that two hundred thousand people should not
have the right to say who shall make, and who shall execute the
laws is at least an anomaly and a contradiction of our theory of
government, and for one, I propose to do what little I can to
correct it. It has been said that you had once here the right of
self-government. If I understand it, the right you had was to elect
somebody to some office, and all the other officers were appointed.
You had no control over your Legislature; you had very little
control over your other officers, and the people of the District
held responsible for what was actually done by the appointing
power. We want no appointing power. If it is necessary to have a
police magistrate, I say the people are competent to elect that
magistrate; and if he is not a good man they are qualified to
select another in his place. You ought to elect your judges. I do
not want the office of the judiciary so far from the people that it
may feel entirely independent. I want every officer in this
District held accountable to the people, and, unless he discharges
his duties faithfully, the people will put him out, and select
another in his stead.

     I want it Understood that no American citizen can be forced to
pay a dollar in a State or in the district where he lives who is
not represented, and where he has not the right to vote. It is all
tyranny, and all infamous. The people of the United States wonder
to-day that you have submitted to this outrage as long as you have.

     Neither do I believe that only the rich should have the right
to vote; that only they should govern; or that only the educated
should govern. I have noticed among educated men many who did not
know enough to govern themselves. I have known many wealthy men who
did not believe in liberty, in giving the people the same rights
they claimed for selves. I believe in that government where the
ballot of Lazarus counts as much as the vote of Dives. Let the
rich, let the educated, govern the people by moral suasion and by
example and by kindness and not by brute force. And in a community
like this where the avenues to distinction are open alike to all,
there will be many more reasons for acting like men. When you can
hold any position, when every citizen can have conferred upon him
honor and responsibility, there is some stimulus to be a man. But
in a community where but the few are clothed with power by
appointment, no incentive exists among the people. If the avenues
to distinction and honor are open to all, such a government is
beneficial on every hand, and the poorest man in the community may
say to himself, "If I pursue the right course the very highest
place is open to me." And the poorest man, with his little
tow-headed boy on his knee, can say, "John, all the avenues are
open to you; although I am poor, you may be rich, and while I am
obscure, you may become distinguished."



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     That idea sweetens every hour of toil and renders holy every
drop of sweat that rolls down the face of labor. I hate tyranny in
every form. I despise it, and I execrate a tyrant wherever he may
be, and in every country where the people are struggling for the
right of self-government I sympathize with them in their struggle.
Wherever the sword of rebellion is drawn in favor of human rights
I am a rebel. I sympathize with all the people in Europe who are
endeavoring to push kings from thrones and struggling for the right
to govern themselves. America ought to send greeting to every part
of the world where such a struggle is pending, and we of the
District of Columbia ought to be able to join in the greeting, but
we never shall be until we have the right of self-government
ourselves. No man who is a good citizen can have any objection to
self-government here. No man can be opposed to it who believes that
our people have enough wisdom, enough virtue, enough patriotism to
govern themselves. The man who doubts the right of the people to
govern themselves casts a little doubt upon the question, simply
because he is not man enough himself to believe in liberty. I would
trust the poor of this country with our liberties as soon as I
would the rich. I will trust the huts and hovels, just as soon as
I will the mansions and palaces. I will trust those who work by the
day in the streets as soon as I will the bankers of the United
States. I will trust the ignorant -- even the ignorant Why? Because
they want education, and no people in this country are so anxious
to have their children educated as those who are not educated
themselves. I will trust the ignorant with the liberties of this
country quicker than I would some of the educated who doubt the
principles upon which our Government is founded. But let the
intelligent do what they can to instruct the ignorant. Let the
wealthy do what they can to give the blessings of liberty to the
poor, and then this Government will remain forever. The time is
passing away when any man of genius can be respected who will not
use that genius in elevating his fellow-man. The time is passing
away when men, however wealthy, can be respected unless they use
their millions for the elevation of mankind. The time is coming
when no man will be called an honest man who is not willing to give
to every other man, be he white or black every right that he asks
for himself.

     For my part, I am willing to live under a government where all
govern, and am not willing to live under any other. I am willing to
live where I am on an equality with other men, where they have
precisely my rights, and no more; and I despise any government that
is not based upon this principle of human equality. Now, let us go
just for that one thing, that we have the same right as any other
people in the United States -- that is, to govern this District
ourselves. Let us be represented in the lawmaking power, and let us
advocate a change in the fundamental law so that the people of this
District shall be entitled to one vote as to who shall be President
of the United States. And when that is done and our people are
clothed with the panoply of citizenship, you will find this
District growing not to two hundred thousand, but in a little while
one million of people will live here. Now, for one, I have not the
slightest feeling against members of Congress for what has been
done. I believe when this matter is laid before them fully and
properly you will find few men in that august body who will vote
against the proposition. They have had trouble enough. They do not 


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understand our affairs. They never did, never will, never can. No
one who does not live here will. The public interests are so many
and so conflicting, and touch the sides of so many, that the people
must attend to this matter themselves. They know when they want a
market, a judge, or a collector of taxes, and nobody else does and
nobody else has a right to.

     And instead of going up to Congress and standing around some
committee-room with a long petition in your hands, begging somebody
to wait just one, it will be far better that you should go to the
polls and elect your representative, who can attend to your
interests in Congress. But above all things, I want to warn you,
charge you, beseech you, that in any legislation upon this subject
you must secure a registration law that will prevent the casting of
an illegal vote. Do this before it is known whether the District is
Republican or Democratic. I do not care. No matter how much od a
Republican I am, absolutely, I would rather be governed by
Democrats who live here than by Republicans who do not. And now,
while it is not known whether this is a Democratic or Republican
community, let us get up a registration that no one can violate;
because the moment you have an election, and it is ascertained to
be either Democratic or Republican, the victorious party may be
opposed to any registration or any legislation that will put in
jeopardy their power. I have lived long enough to be satisfied that
any State in this Union, whether no matter weather Democratic or
Republican, will be safe as long as the people have the right to
vote, and to see that the ballots will be counted. This country is
now upon trial. In nearly every State. in this Union there is
liable to happen just the same thing that only the other day
happened in Maine.

     In every State there can be two legislatures, one in the
State-house and the other on the fence. Let us in this District so
guard the right to vote and the counting of the ballots, that we
shall know after the election who has been elected and know with
certainty the men who have been elected by the legal voters of the
District.

     It becomes us all, whether Republicans or Democrats to unite
in securing such a law. Let us act together, Democrats and
Republicans, black and white, rich and poor, educated and ignorant
-- let us all unite upon the principle that we have the right to
govern ourselves. Then it will make no difference whether the
District of Columbia shall be Democratic or Republican, provided it
is the will of a legal majority of her people.

     Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you.



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                         Bank of Wisdom
                  Box 926, Louisville, KY 40201
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                   THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.

                              1891

            "Well, while I am a beggar, I will rail,
             And say there is no sin but to be rich."

     MR. A. lived in the kingdom of ---. He was a sincere
professional philanthropist. He was absolutely certain that he
loved his fellow-men, and that his views were humane and
scientific. He concluded to turn his attention to taking care of
people less fortunate than himself.

     With this object in view he investigated the common people
that lived about him, and he found that they were extremely
ignorant, that many of them seemed to take no particular interest
in life or in business, that few of them had any theories of their
own, and that, while many had muscle, there was only now and then
one who had any mind worth speaking of. Nearly all of them were
destitute of ambition. They were satisfied if they got something to
eat, a place to sleep, and could now and then indulge in some form
of dissipation. They seemed to have great confidence in to-morrow
-- trusted to luck, and took no thought for the future. Many of
them were extravagant, most of them dissipated, and a good many
dishonest.

     Mr. A. found that many of the husbands not only failed to
support their families, but that some of them lived on the labor of
their wives; that many of the wives were careless of their
obligations, knew nothing about the art of cooking, nothing about
keeping house; and that parents, as a general thing, neglected
their children or treated them with cruelty. He also found that
many of the people were so shiftless that they died of want and
exposure.

     After having obtained this information Mr. A. made up his mind
to do what little be could to better their condition. He petitioned
the king to assist him, and asked that he be allowed to take
control of five hundred people in consideration that he would pay
a certain amount into the treasury of the kingdom. The king being
satisfied that Mr. A. could take care of these people better than
they were taking care of themselves, granted the petition.

     Mr. A., with the assistance of a few soldiers, took these
people from their old homes and haunts to a plantation of his own.
He divided them into groups, and over each group placed a
superintendent. He made certain rules and regulations for their
conduct. They were only compelled to work from twelve to fourteen
hours a day, leaving ten hours for sleep and recreation. Good and
substantial food was provided. Their houses were comfortable and
their clothing sufficient. Their work was laid out from day to day
and from month to month, so that they knew exactly what they were
to do in each hour of every day. These rules were made for the good
of the people, to the end that they might not interfere with each
other, that they might attend to their duties, and enjoy themselves
in a reasonable way. They were not allowed to waste their time, or
to use stimulants or profane language. They were told to be
respectful to the superintendents, and especially to Mr. A.; to be
obedient, and, above all, to accept the position in which 


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                   THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.

Providence had placed them, without complaining, and to cheerfully
perform their tasks.

     Mr. A. had found out all that the five hundred persons had
earned the year before they were taken control of by him -- just
how much they had added to the wealth of the world. He had
statistics taken for the year before with great care showing the
number of deaths, the cases of sickness and of destitution, the
number who had committed suicide, how many had been convicted of
crimes and misdemeanors, how many days they had been idle, and how
much time and money they had spent in drink and for worthless
amusements.

     During the first year of their enslavement he kept like
statistics. He found that they had earned several times as much;
that there had been no cases of destitution, no drunkenness; that
no crimes had been committed; that there had been but little
sickness, owing to the regular course of their lives; that few had
been guilty of misdemeanors, owing to the certainty of punishment;
and that they had been so watched and superintended that for the
most part they had traveled the highway of virtue and industry.

     Mr. A. was delighted, and with a vast deal of pride showed
these statistics to his friends. He not only demonstrated that the
five hundred people were better off than they had been before, but
that his own income was very largely increased. He congratulated
himself that he had added to the well-being of these people not
only, but had laid the foundation of a great fortune for himself.
On these facts and these figures he claimed not only to be a
philanthropist, but a philosopher; and all the people who had a
mind to go into the same business agreed with him.

     Some denounced the entire proceeding as unwarranted, as
contrary to reason and justice. These insisted that the five
hundred people had a right to live in their own way provided they
did not interfere with others; that they had the right to go
through the world with little food and with poor clothes, and to
live in huts, if such was their choice. But Mr. A. had no trouble
in answering these objectors. He insisted that well-being is the
only good, and that every human being is under obligation, not only
to take care of himself, but to do what little he can towards
taking care of others; that where five hundred people neglect to
take care of themselves, it is the duty of somebody else, who has
more intelligence and more means, to take care of them; that the
man who takes five hundred people and improves their condition,
gives them on the average better food, better clothes, and keeps
them out of mischief, is a benefactor.

     "These people," said Mr. A., "were tried. They were found
incapable of taking care of themselves. They lacked intelligence or
will or honesty or industry or ambition or something, so that in
the struggle for existence they fell behind, became stragglers,
dropped by the wayside, died in gutters; while many were destined
to end their days either in dungeons or on scaffolds. Besides all
this, they were a nuisance to their prosperous fellow-citizens, a
perpetual menace to the peace of society. They increased the burden
of taxation; they filled the ranks of the criminal classes, they 


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                   THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.

made it necessary to build more jails, to employ more policemen and
judges; so that I, by enslaving them, not only assisted them, not
only protected them against themselves, not only bettered their
condition, not only added to the well-being of society at large,
but greatly increased my own fortune."

     Mr. A. also took the ground that Providence, by giving him
superior intelligence, the genius of command, the aptitude for
taking charge of others, had made it his duty to exercise these
faculties for the well-being of the people and for the glory of
God. Mr. A. frequently declared that he was God's steward. He often
said he thanked God that he was not governed by a sickly sentiment,
but that he was a man of sense, of judgment, of force of character,
and that the means employed by him were in accordance with the
logic of facts.

     Some of the people thus enslaved objected, saying that they
had the same right to control themselves that Mr. A. had to control
himself. But it only required a little discipline to satisfy them
that they were wrong. Some of the people were quite happy, and
declared that nothing gave them such perfect contentment as the
absence of all responsibility. Mr. A. insisted that all men had not
been endowed with the same capacity; that the weak ought to be
cared for by the strong; that such was evidently the design of the
Creator, and that he intended to do what little he could to carry
that design into effect.

     Mr. A. was very successful. In a few years he had several
thousands of men, women, and children working for him, He amassed
a large fortune. He felt that he had been intrusted with this money
by Providence. He therefore built several churches, and once in a
while gave large sums to societies for the spread of civilization.
He passed away regretted by a great many people -- not including
those who had lived under his immediate administration. He was
buried with great pomp, the king being one of the pall-bearers, and
on his tomb was this:


               HE WAS THE PROVIDENCE OF THE POOR.

                               II.

            "And, being rich, my virtue then shall be
              To say there is no vice but beggary."


     Mr. B. did not believe in slavery. He despised the institution
with every drop of his blood, and was an advocate of universal
freedom. He held all the ideas of Mr. A. in supreme contempt, and
frequently spent whole evenings in denouncing the inhumanity and
injustice of the whole business. He even went so far as to contend
that many of A.'s slaves had more intelligence than A. himself, and
that, whether they had intelligence or not, they had the right to
be free. He insisted that Mr. A.'s philanthropy was a sham; that he
never bought a human being for the purpose of bettering that
being's condition; that he went into the business simply to make
money for himself; and that his talk about his slaves committing 


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                   THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.

less crime than when they were free was simply to justify the crime
committed by himself in enslaving his fellow-men.

     Mr. B. was a manufacturer, and he employed some five or six
thousand men. He used to say that these men were not forced to work
for him; that they were at perfect liberty to accept or reject the
terms; that, so far as he was concerned, he would just as soon
commit larceny or robbery as to force a man to work for him. "Every
laborer under my roof," he used to say, "is as free to choose as I
am."

     Mr. B. believed in absolutely free trade; thought it an
outrage to interfere with the free interplay of forces; said that
every man should buy, or at least have the privilege of buying,
where be could buy cheapest, and should have the privilege of
selling where he could get the most. He insisted that a man who has
labor to sell has the right to sell it to the best advantage, and
that the purchaser has the right to buy it at the lowest price. He
did not enslave men -- he hired them. Some said that he took
advantage of their necessities; but he answered that he created no
necessities, that he was not responsible for their condition, that
he did not make them poor, that he found them poor and gave them
work, and gave them the same wages that he could employ others for.
He insisted that he was absolutely just to all; he did not give one
man more than another, and he never refused to employ a man on
account of the man's religion or politics; all that he did was
simply to employ that man if the man wished to be employed, and
give him the wages, no more and no less, that some other man of
like capacity was willing to work for.

     Mr. B. also said that the price of the article manufactured by
him fixed the wages of the persons employed, and that he, Mr. B.,
was not responsible for the price of the article he manufactured;
consequently he was not responsible for the wages of the workmen.
He agreed to pay them a certain price, he taking the risk of
selling his articles, and he paid them regularly just on the day he
agreed to pay them, and if they were not satisfied with the wages,
they were at perfect liberty to leave. One of his private sayings
was: "The poor ye have always with you." And from this he argued
that some men were made poor so that others could be generous.
"Take poverty and suffering from the world," he said, "and you
destroy sympathy and generosity."

     Mr. B. made a large amount of money. Many of his workmen
complained that their wages did not allow them to live in comfort.
Many had large families, and therefore but little to eat. Some of
them lived in crowded rooms. Many of the children were carried off
by disease; but Mr. B. took the ground that all these people had
the right to go, that he did not force them to remain, that if they
were not healthy it was not his fault, and that whenever it pleased
Providence to remove a child, or one of the parents, he, Mr. B.,
was not responsible.

     Mr. B. insisted that many of his workmen were extravagant;
that they bought things that they did not need; that they wasted in
beer and tobacco, money that they should save for funerals; that
many of them visited places of amusement when they should have been
thinking about death, and that others bought toys to please the 

                         Bank of Wisdom
                  Box 926, Louisville, KY 40201
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                   THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.

children when they hardly had bread enough to eat. He felt that he
was in no way accountable for this extravagance, nor for the fact
that their wages did not give them the necessaries of life, because
he not only gave them the same wages that other manufacturers gave,
but the same wages that other workmen were willing to work for.

     Mr. B. said, -- and he always said this as though it ended the
argument, -- and he generally stood up to say it: "The great law of
supply and demand is of divine origin; it is the only law that will
work in all possible or conceivable cases; and this law fixes the
price of all labor, and from it there is no appeal. If people are
not satisfied with the operation of the law, then let them make a
new world for themselves."

     Some of Mr. B.'s friends reported that on several occasions,
forgetting what he had said on others, he did declare that his
confidence was somewhat weakened in the law of supply and demand;
but this was only when there seemed to be an over-production of the
things he was engaged in manufacturing, and at such times he seemed
to doubt the absolute equity of the great law.

     Mr. B. made even a larger fortune than Mr. A., because when
his workmen got old he did not have to care for them, when they
were sick he paid no doctors, and when their children died he
bought no coffins. In this way he was relieved of a large part of
the expenses that had to be borne by Mr. A. When his workmen became
too old, they were sent to the poorhouse; when they were sick, they
were assisted by charitable societies; and when they died, they
were buried by pity.

     In a few years Mr. B. was the owner of many millions. He also
considered himself as one of God's stewards; felt that Providence
had given him the intelligence to combine interests, to carry out
great schemes, and that he was specially raised up to give
employment to many thousands of people. He often regretted that he
could do no more for his laborers without lessening his own
profits, or, rather, without lessening his fund for the blessing of
mankind -- the blessing to begin immediately after his death. He
was so anxious to be the providence of posterity that he was
sometimes almost heartless in his dealings with contemporaries. He
felt that it was necessary for him to be economical, to save every
dollar that he could, because in this way he could increase the
fund that was finally to bless mankind, He also felt that in this
way he could lay the foundations of a permanent fame -- that he
could build, through his executors, an asylum to be called the "B.
Asylum," that he could fill a building with books to be called the
"B Library," and that he could also build and endow an institution
of learning to be called the "B. College," and that, in addition,
a large amount of money could be given for the purpose of
civilizing the citizens of less fortunate countries, to the end
that they might become imbued with that spirit of combination and
manufacture that results in putting large fortunes in the hands of
those who have been selected by Providence, on account of their
talents, to make a better distribution of wealth than those who
earned it could have done.




                         Bank of Wisdom
                  Box 926, Louisville, KY 40201
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                   THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.

     Mr. B. spent many thousands of dollars to procure such
legislation as would protect him from foreign competition. He did
not believe the law of supply and demand would work when interfered
with by manufacturers living in other countries.

     Mr. B., like Mr. A., was a man of judgment. He had what is
called a level head, was not easily turned aside from his purpose,
and felt that he was in accord with the general sentiment of his
time. By his own exertions he rose from poverty to wealth, He was
born in a hut and died in a palace. He was a patron of art and
enriched his walls with the works of the masters. He insisted that
others could and should follow his example. For those who failed or
refused he had no sympathy. He accounted for their poverty and
wretchedness by saying: "These paupers have only themselves to
blame." He died without ever having lost a dollar. His funeral was
magnificent, and clergymen vied with each other in laudation of the
dead. Over his dust rises a monument of marble with the words:

                      HE LIVED FOR OTHERS.

                              III.

          "But there are men who steal, and vainly try
            To gild the crime with pompous charity."

     There was another man, Mr. C., who also had the genius for
combination. He understood the value of capital, the value of
labor; knew exactly how much could be done with machinery;
understood the economy of things; knew how to do everything in the
easiest and shortest way. And he, too, was a manufacturer and had
in his employ many thousands of men, women, and children. He was
what is called a visionary, a sentimentalist, rather weak in his
will, not very obstinate, had but little egotism; and it never
occurred to him that he had been selected by Providence, or any
supernatural power, to divide the property of others. It did not
seem to him that he had any right to take from other men their
labor without giving them a full equivalent. He felt that if he had
more intelligence than his fellow-men he ought to use that
intelligence not only for his own good but for theirs; that he
certainly ought not to use it for the purpose of gaining an
advantage over those who were his intellectual inferiors. He used
to say that a man strong intellectually had no more right to take
advantage of a man weak intellectually than the physically strong
had to rob the physically weak.

     He also insisted that we should not take advantage of each
other's necessities; that you should not ask a drowning man a
greater price for lumber than you would if he stood on the shore;
that if you took into consideration the necessities of your fellow-
man, it should be only to lessen the price of that which you would
sell to him, not to increase it. He insisted that honest men do not
take advantage of their fellows. He was so weak that he had not
perfect confidence in the great law of supply and demand as applied
to flesh and blood. He took into consideration another law of
supply and demand; he knew that the workingman had to be supplied
with food, and that his nature demanded something to eat, a house
to live in, clothes to wear.


                         Bank of Wisdom
                  Box 926, Louisville, KY 40201
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                   THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.

     Mr. C. used to think about this law of supply and demand as
applicable to individuals. He found that men would work for
exceedingly small wages when pressed for the necessaries of life;
that under some circumstances they would give their labor for half
of what it was worth to the employer, because they were in a
position where they must do something for wife or child. He
concluded that he had no right to take advantage of the necessities
of others, and that he should in the first place honestly find what
the work was worth to him, and then give to the man who did the
work that amount.

     Other manufacturers regarded Mr. C. as substantially insane,
white most of his workmen looked upon him as an exceedingly good-
natured man, without any particular genius for business. Mr. C.,
however, cared little about the opinions of others, so long as he
maintained his respect for himself.

     At the end of the first year he found that he had made a large
profit, and thereupon he divided this profit with the people who
had earned it. Some of his friends said to him that he ought to
endow some public institution; that there should be a college in
his native town; but Mr. C. was of such a peculiar turn of mind
that he thought justice ought to go before charity, and a little in
front of egotism, and a desire to immortalize one's self. He said
that it seemed to him that of all persons in the world entitled to
this profit were the men who had earned it, the men who had made it
by their labor, by days of actual toil. He insisted that, as they
had earned it, it was really theirs, and if it was theirs, they
should have it and should spend it in their own way.

     Mr. C. was told that he would make the workmen in other
factories dissatisfied, that other manufacturers would become his
enemies, and that his course would scandalize some of the greatest
men who had done so much for the civilization of the world and for
the spread of intelligence. Mr. C. became extremely unpopular with
men of talent, with those who had a genius for business. He,
however, pursued his way, and carried on his business with the idea
that the men who did the work were entitled to a fair share of the
profits; that, after all, money was not as sacred as men, and that
the law of supply and demand, as understood, did not apply to flesh
and blood.

     Mr. C. said: "I cannot be happy if those who work for me are
defrauded. If I feel I am taking what belongs to them, then my life
becomes miserable. To feel that I have done justice is one of the
necessities of my nature. I do not wish to establish colleges. I
wish to establish no public institution. My desire is to enable
those who work for me to establish a few thousand homes for
themselves. My ambition is to enable them to buy the books they
really want to read. I do not wish to establish a hospital, but I
want to make it possible for my workmen to have the services of the
best physicians -- physicians of their own choice.

     It is not for me to take their money and use it for the good
of others or for my own glory. It is for me to give what they have
earned to them. After I have given them the money that belongs to
them, I can give them my advice -- I can tell them how I hope they 


                         Bank of Wisdom
                  Box 926, Louisville, KY 40201
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                   THE THREE PHILANTHROPISTS.

will use it; and after I have advised them, they will use it as
they please. You cannot make great men and great women by
suppression, Slavery is not the school in which genius is born.
Every human being must make his own mistakes for himself, must
learn for himself, must have his own experience; and if the world
improves, it must be from choice, not from force; and every man who
does justice, who sets the example of fair dealing, hastens the
coming of universal honesty, of universal civilization."

     Mr. C. carried his doctrine out to the fullest extent,
honestly and faithfully. When he died, there were at the funeral
those who had worked for him, their wives and their children. Their
tears fell upon his grave. They planted flowers and paid to him the
tribute of their love. Above his silent dust they erected a
monument with this inscription:

            HE ALLOWED OTHERS TO LIVE FOR THEMSELVES.


                         North American Review, December, 1891.




                          ****     ****











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                         Bank of Wisdom
                  Box 926, Louisville, KY 40201
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