                Catholics, Jews, and Vatican II:
                         
                      
                         A New Beginning    
                     









                        Historiography 401
                   
                           Dr. Schultz










                           May 7, 1991


                         Thomas Beaudoin


                                                                 1





	Catholicism is the world's largest Christian religion and 


Judaism is the religious father of Roman Catholicism.  The 


interface and reconciliation of these faiths is very important to 


modern ecumenism and world peace. This paper will look into just 


one small attempt at reconciliation between these two religions.  


This attempt at reconciliation will be explored by describing the 


documents concerning Jewish/Christian relations from Vatican II, 


1962-1965, analyzing these documents and some accompanying 


critiques, and establishing a synthesizing measurement of (1) the 


actual language employed in the final document regarding relations 


with Judaism and (2) how the stances taken in the documents differed 


from the recent history of Roman Catholic/Jewish relations 


and (3) answer the question:  Did this document yield significant 


ecumenical progress or little but verbal fence-sitting from the 


Catholic Church?  



I. The Document

	
	The Second Vatican Council was a "solemn and holy 




                                                                 2 




circus" of priests, abbots, bishops, and cardinals hailing from 


San Francisco to Mongolia, assembled to discuss current 


controversies in the secular world that were impacting the Catholic


religious body worldwide.  Initiated by Pope John XXIII and 


continued by Pope Paul VI, a Vatican decree on the Jews was 


originally a small part of a Declaration on ecumenism in the 


opening session, but it drew so much attention and debate that 


it was inserted into a declaration on non-Christian religions in 

                   1
the fourth session.   	


	The text of the "Declaration on the Relationship of the 


Church to Non-Christian Religions" was hotly debated in the 


years following its promulgation by the Second Vatican in 


October, 1965.  Since many authors twist the text in the 


interest of polemics and apologetics, we shall take a little 


bit of space to devote ourselves to some of the key literal 


pronouncements from the document, in order to have a firmer 


base from which to measure it against recent history.


	The Vatican's pronouncement opens with a general 






                                                                 3




statement about other religions, including the recognition 


that "other religions to be found everywhere strive variously to 


answer the restless searchings of the human heart," and that "The 


Catholic Church rejects nothing which is true and holy in these 

           2
religions."   The Church's spiritual relationship to the Jews 


is spelled out through the metaphor of the "root of that good 


olive tree onto which have been grafted the wild olive branches 


of the Gentiles," acknowledging that the Church "...cannot forget 


that she received the revelation of the Old Testament through the 


people with whom God in his inexpressible mercy deigned to 

                                3
establish the Ancient Covenant."   Regarding Jewish guilt for 


Jesus' death, the Declaration asserts that "...authorities of the 


Jews and those who followed their lead pressed for the death of 


Christ."  "Still," it continues, "what happened in His passion 


cannot be blamed upon all the Jews then living, without distinction, 


nor upon the Jews of today.  Although the Church is the new people 


of God, the Jews should not be presented as repudiated or cursed by 

                                                         4
God, as if such views followed from the Holy Scriptures." 






                                                                 4




	Finally, the statement reads "Mindful of her common 


patrimony with the Jews, and motivated by the gospel's spiritual 


love and by no political considerations, she deplores the hatred, 


persecutions, and displays of anti-Semitism directed against the 

                                      5
Jews at any time and from any source." 
	 



II.  Recent History of Relations Between Catholics and Jews	

	
	Zionism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, 

                                                              6
a "movement to reassemble the Jews in their ancient homeland," 


was not popular with many Catholic Church leaders.  Pope Pius X 


had harsh and unmistakable words in 1904 for a visitor, Theodore 


Herzl, the father of Zionism.   "We [the Church] cannot favor 


this movement.  The Jews did not recognize Jesus, our Lord, and 

                                                 7
we therefore cannot recognize the Jewish people."   Pius X further 


promised that "If you come to Palestine and settle your people 


there, we will be ready with priests and churches to baptize all 

        8
of you."
	

	Between the world wars, increasing Zionist activity 







                                                                 5




caused significant nervousness in Vatican City.  Their fears 


were based on anxiety over a compromise of the protection of 


Christian holy places and a rollback of Christian influence 


on the region in general at the hands of the Zionists.  On July 4, 


1922, a German Papal Embassy report elaborated the Church's 


position, claiming -- with a tone hauntingly like that of the 


Middle Ages -- that the Church was not in favor of Jews gaining 


"privileged and predominant positions" over Catholics.  The report 


also emphasized the concerns about Catholic safety in a Jewish 


state and concluded with a message that would ring loud and clear 


in Jewish ears for many years:  "Zionism as a power factor is...


not acceptable, because it is the mischief-maker of social peace 


in Palestine, as well as the destroyer of the natural rights of the 

                                9
native population of Palestine." 


	Later pronouncements further emphasized the Church's 


antipathy to Zionism.  If one letter in 1928 from the Papal 


Nuncio in the Netherlands regarding Zionism was prophetic in 


its conjecture about Arab response to Jewish rule, it was 







                                                                 6




lacking in tact in its indictment of the Zionists:  "Zionism 


now pursues a policy which lacks every psychological insight 


and is bound to result in opposition and the hostility of 

           10
the Arabs."


	But by 1945, in the aftermath of the Holocaust, 


much of the world, including the Church leadership, outraged at 


the tales of Nazi atrocities found a new sympathy for -- as it 


was called -- the "Jewish question."  Zionist leaders met with 


Pope Pius XII, who offered the empathy and concern of the Holy See, 


but stopped well short of supporting the idea of a Jewish 

      11
State.


	The notion of a modern, political, fully-functioning, 


successful State of Israel was extremely troubling to Church 


leaders who tended to see biblical Israel as antiquated, faulty, 


and finally unsuccessful as a political or religious entity.


On a physical level, the sheer numbers of Jews living 


together, strengthening their religion by making it part of the 


State's political infrastructure was threatening to Catholics for 







                                                                 7



                                                                 12
the sheer challenge it presented to hopes of converting the Jews. 


Jewish conversion, though, was related to the larger theological 


problems that the potential existence of the Jewish State posed to 


Roman Catholicism.  The destruction of the Temple and subsequent 


dispersion and exile of Jews in many countries were seen as signs of 


the "accursed" status of the Jews, the result of their failure to 


recognize Jesus as the Messiah and also (in the minds of some Church 


leaders) owing to the guilt of the Jews -- all Jews -- for Jesus' 

      13
death.    The establishment of the State of Israel would throw a 


spanner in the Catholic theological works.  The founding of a modern 


Jewish state would either have to be treated as a short-lived 


historical deviation or else force a major revision of Catholic 


theology.  These traditional ways of thinking, prevalent among many 


of the Catholic clergy, were made of sturdy stuff.  Old theology 


died hard. The Vatican refused to acknowledge the existence of the 


State of Israel after its official statehood was declared by the 


United Nations, a diplomatic move that frustrates relations to this 


day.  Frequent post-1948 Papal references to "Palestine" instead of 







                                                                 8




"Israel" and the Holy See's overt desire for the internationalization 


of Jerusalem are still major hurdles to cooperation between Israel 


and the Bishop of Rome.  


	The 1950s and early 1960s were a time of progress and 


procrastination in relations between the Catholic Church and 


Israel.  In 1953, when orthodox Jews in Israel tried to outlaw 


Christian missionary schools, the Israeli legislature vetoed the


move.  In 1954, the Hebrew language was finally beginning to 


make inroads into the Catholic liturgy.  Many prayer services 


began to be offered in Hebrew, and an increasing number of 


priests were learning the biblical language.  In 1955, Israel made 


its final payment to the Catholic Church for damages incurred 


during Israel's 1948 War of Independence in 1955.  The Jewish 


State's Minister of Religious Affairs presented the historic check 


to Monsignor Vergani, Latin Patriarchal Representative.  Vergani 


made no secret of his personal desire to see an improvement in 


relations between the Vatican and Israel.  He sprinkled the 


diplomatic air with effusive praise in a letter to the Israeli 







                                                                 9




government after receiving the final war reparation:  "I wish to 


express our thanks for the goodwill, cooperative spirit, and 


efficiency displayed..." by the Israelis in their handling of the 


Church's outstanding monetary claims.  Two years later, in 


response to a question from an Israeli journalist, Vergani said, 


"Personally, I would favor the establishment of regular diplomatic 

                                             14
relations, if the Vatican has no objections."


 	Alas, the bright light ignited by Vergani flickered in 


the stale air of the Vatican's confusing gestures and ultimate


unwillingness to pursue the issue.  The Israel Philharmonic performed 


Beethoven's Seventh Symphony for Pope Pius XII in 1955, a performance 


greeted with an ovation and many laudatory comments from the Pontiff.  


Pius met after the concert with several of the musicians, conversing


in Hebrew with some of them.  Many newspapers made a big to-do


of the audience with the Pope, hoping that this was a subtle 


signal that the Vatican was ready to consider friendly dialogue.


But once again, inactivity in the following months proved that 


the gesture was full of pomp and somewhat lacking in 







                                                                 10



             15
circumstance.
	

	Construction niceties were exchanged in 1956. When 


the Israeli government paved new roads to Catholic holy sites, 


Rome announced its plans to build the biggest Catholic Church in 


the Middle East in Nazareth.  The contract to build the Basilica 


of the Annunciation in Nazareth was given to Israel's largest

                    16
building contractor. 


	Several grateful and brief letters were sent from the 


Vatican in 1957 to the government of Israel, thanking them for 


their assistance in providing security for the many Christians


in the Holy Land.  But this somewhat warmer good-naturedness 


turned a bit chilly upon the issuance in 1958 of the _Pontifical


Yearbook_.  This directory of all Catholic dioceses and 


ecclesiastics included more than one hundred religious posts 


that had not been extant for hundreds of years.  The _Yearbook_


also ommitted mention of the modern State of Israel in the book


itself and in its huge index.  "The name [Israel], which appears


well over a dozen times in the New Testament, by 1958 had not yet







                                                                 11




been found worthy of mention in the official reference book of 


the Catholic Church."  Needless to say, any positive strides in


recent relations between Catholics and Jews were momentarily 

        17
shelved.


	In the autumn of 1958, an ecumenical firebrand stormed 


upon St. Peter's stage, setting in motion a massive turning of 


the Catholic anti-semitic tide from an unlikely position:  the


Papacy.  Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli, Pope John XXIII, was a 


cosmopolitan world traveler with a passion for reform and a 


genuine affection and desire to bring Catholics and 


Protestants and Christians and Jews back closer together,


declaring that every person has the right to "worship God 


in accordance with the right dictates of his own conscience, 

                                                           18
and to profess his religion both in private and in public."


John XXIII, the two-hundred and sixty-second pope, was the first 

                                                       19
pope to make cardinals of African and Japanese bishops.

	
	He was bold and visionary.  "We do not intend to 


conduct a trial of the past," he said, "we do not want to 







                                                                 12




prove who was right and who was wrong.  All we want to say 


is:  Let us come together.  Let us make an end of our 

           20
divisions."    Toward that end, John XXIII met in 1960 with Jules 


Isaac, French professor and author of _The Teaching of Contempt_.  


Isaac expressed his desire that the upcoming Council would deal 

                                                        21
decisively with the question of Christian anti-semitism. 


	John was a hospitable man,  granting thousands of 


audiences to non-Catholics, including 120 meetings with Jews 


(including the Israeli ambassador!).  Dr. Saul Colbi, Director 


of the Department for Christian Communities in Israel's 


Ministry for Religious Affairs said in 1962, "It was a rare 


feeling to be received with full honors by the Swiss and the 


Nobile Guards, as an official representative of sovereign Israel.  


The more so when one recalls that only 130 years ago, the 


President of Rome's Jewish community had to kneel before the pope 

                                                             22
each carnival time and to receive a papal kick in the pants."  


	Pope John XXIII was indeed not about to heave his holy 







                                                                 13




elderly foot into the pants of a people he wanted to embrace 


spiritually, the Jews.  He prayed in 1965,


     We are conscious today that many, many centuries 
     of blindness have cloaked our eyes, so that we can
     no longer see the beauty of Thy Chosen People, nor
     recognize in their faces the features of our 
     privileged brethren.  We realize that the mark of 
     Cain stands upon our foreheads.  Across the 
     centuries our brother Abel has lain in the blood 
     which we drew, or shed tears we caused by 
     forgetting Thy Love.  Forgive us for crucifying 
     thee a second time in their flesh.  For we know 
     not what we did. (23)


	In 1960, John created the Secretariat for Promoting 


Christian Unity, an office under the jurisdiction of John's 


confidant and fellow ecumenical crusader, Cardinal Bea.  Its 


purposes were threefold:  to enhance inter-Christian 


cooperation, to ensure religious liberty, and to promote dialogue 

             24
with Judaism.    Bea and the Pontiff were trodding upon similar 


paths in their pursuit of a major reconciliation with their Jewish 


brothers and sisters.  In a speech in 1962, Bea exclaimed:


     The problems which humanity has to face 
     today are, indeed, so enormous and so urgent that it 
     is really indispensible to mobilize all those forces 
     which are in agreement at least on the level of the 
     religious idea, the idea of God, and the existence 
     of a moral order. On that ground, they can and they 
     ought to seek to understand each other. (25)







                                                                 14




	By late 1960, Bea -- with the help and inspiration of Isaac --


drafted what was originally called the "Jewish Declaration."  This 


document would, after much debate and revision, eventually be accepted 


by the Second Vatican Council as part of a larger edict on non-Christian 

          26 
religions.


	  In this blossoming environment, Jewish-Catholic relations 


began to brighten.  Under recommendations from the Secretariat, Catholic


publishing houses began immediately to publish "revised and improved" 


editions of Catholic textbooks and school literature.  The overwhelming 


public support from clerics indicated that many Catholic clergy were 


more than happy to ride the Johaninne tide.  Public clerical remarks 


seemed to indicate that John desired to insitutionalize what many of 

                                             27
his Catholic flock were already experiencing.    Cardinal Meyer of 


Chicago observed in 1965 that "a growing sense of responsibility for, 


and solidarity with, the Church's Elder Brother can be perceived in 

                        28
Catholic circles today."    In July of 1965, Cardinal Raul Silva 


Henriquez, Primate of Chile, speaking in Santiago's B'nai-B'rith 


Synagogue, said: "In The Lord's inscrutable designs for Israel, you 







                                                                   15




continue to bear a witness of sacrifice, martyrdom, love and liberty, 


of the defense of human rights and the dignity of man..."  And he 


closed with:  "God has not forsaken His People, and a splendid dawn of 


hope, of peace and liberty, of brotherhood and love, will yet shine 


upon Israel.  This we desire with all our heart."  The next day, a 


Chilean newspaper captured the vitality of the new Johannine direction:  


"Ten years ago, such a meeting was not only impossible, but the mere 

                                          29
idea of it would have been inconceivable."    Monsignor Gerry, 


Archbishop of Cambrai, Netherlands, remarked "We respect the loyalty 


of the Jewish people to its millenial mission as spokesmen of 


monotheism and the transcendency of God."  Cardinal Frings of Cologne 


surmised that "No ecumenical council can order the faithful to love 


the Jews.  That Christ himself has done, and we can only repeat His 

      30
wish."   


	It was only appropriate, then, that after John announced 


the commencement of the Second Vatican Council, he ordered the 


Secretariat for Promoting Christian Unity to draw up a document that 


would speak out against anti-semitism and the notion of Jews as 







                                                                 16




"deicides."  He had planned for the so-called "Schema on Ecumenism" 


to be introduced and ratified during the opening session.  He did 


not anticipate the resistance and popular debate that would eventually 


lead to the construction of a new document called "The Declaration on 


the Relationship of the Church to Non-Christian Religions," passed in 

                                                           31
a later session of the Council, after John's death in 1963. 


	No opposition could undo what John had begun.  His


radical leaderhsip no doubt influenced one clergyman, Archbishop 


Thomas Roberts of Bombay, to remark a bit sarcastically, 
	

    I never could understand what the fuss was about during 
    the Third Session of the Council, when the guilt of the 
    Jews was debated.  It is so plain that the guilt lay not 
    with the Jewish people, but with the Jewish priestly 
    Establishment, that it seems legitimate to wonder whether 
    the refusal to face up to this may not be a subconscious 
    reluctance to face up to the analogy in the Church 
    today. (32)
    

III.  Interpreting the Evidence


	The _Declaration_ has been heavily criticized by


religious and laity alike.  Two critiques in particular can serve


as critical boundaries, between which the truth about the 


potency of the Vatican's actions lies.







                                                                 17




	Paul Blanshard, the Roman Catholic Church's most 


infamous conscientious objector, came down in harsh criticism


of the Vatican II reforms in _Paul Blanshard on Vatican II_. 


Blanshard's purpose was to evaluate the Second Vatican 


Council according to the standards of "traditional American 

                   33
democratic values,"   a philosophical flaw that causes 


Blanshard to make wholly inappropriate criticisms of the Church's 


statement on the Jews.  In fact, Blanshard's lack of theological 


knowledge comes shining through in this book when he ignores 


religious concerns by the Vatican about the State of Israel, 


concluding instead that modern Catholic anti-semitism was a major 


factor in Rome's non-recognition of the Jewish State and the 


non-mention of Israel in the final Vatican document.  Were John 


XXIII not such a peace-loving pope, he probably would have ordered 


Blanshard's head on a platter for this ill-founded assertion.  


	Also when describing the Vatican documents, Blanshard 


jumps up and down in anger at the striking of the word "deicide" 


from the original text regarding the misrepresentation of Jews 







                                                                 18




in Christian history.  He summarily dismisses Rome's argument 


that simply employing the word "deicide" in an official Church 


document could present serious theological problems for current


and later generations.  He once again sounds the knell of 


institutional anti-Semitism in the Church, failing to even argue 

                      34 
the theological point. 


	At the other end of the critical spectrum is _The Church 


and the Jewish People_ by Augustin Cardinal Bea, John XXIII's hand-


picked director of the Secretariat for Promoting Chrisitan Unity, the 


papal office that crafted the declaration on the Jews.  Diametrically 


opposed to Blanshard's bashing is Bea's blessing of the Vatican's 


decrees about the Jews:  "We should note the very strong terms in 


which this [denunciation of anti-semitism] is couched."  Indeed, Bea 


denies any anti-semitism inherent in the New Testament, and with the 


desire for Christian/Jewish unity that we have seen bea tended to see 


the Council's declaration as a bold, complete step toward reconciliation 


between Catholics and Jews, even if it was a different version than 

                              35
the one he originally crafted.







                                                                   19





	These two critiques offer valuable insights, but only tell 


partial truths. One must conclude that the language of the 


_Declaration_ (as described earlier in this paper) is indeed a bit 


guarded and distant, lacking in warmth, employing such phraseology 


as "spiritual patrimony common to Christians and Jews" must lead to 


"mutual understanding."  


	The Declaration speaks of being motivated by "the gospel's 


spiritual love and by no political considerations."  This 


reference to politics could have two meanings.  It could refer to 


a resolution on anti-semitism passed three years earlier by the World 


Council of Churches (of which the Roman Catholic Church is not a 


member) that caused substantial criticism of the Catholic Church for 


its lack of such a statement.  Or it could be another reminder of the 


Church's hard-headed hesitancy to recognize the State of Israel by 


implying no connection between denouncing anti-semitism and 


recognizing Israel.  Also, the extension of John's papal hand to the 


Jews had political significance for the growing number of liberal 







                                                                 20 



               36
Catholic clergy   who -- since the nineteenth century -- had been 


demanding religious toleration and freedom of conscience, and also 


as a reminder that the Church would not play games of exclusiveness 


in its expansion to all parts of the globe.  


	The phrase "the Jews should not be presented as 


repudiated or cursed by God," which appeared in the final draft,


originally included: "or guilty of deicide" in earlier drafts of


the _Declaration_.  This phrase was excised before the final draft, 


a move blasted by Blanshard and other critics as anti-semitic.  A 


less emotional response and more careful inquiry would show that to 


include (and therefore theologically legitimize) "deicide" in an 


official Church proclamation would cause untold theological problems; 


the Church could not proclaim that God was dead or could even be 


killed.  
 
	
	The Declaration indeed set out official policy that 


proved the Church "repudiates all persecutions against any man."


The special mention of Jews in this document is important for


Jews and Christians alike, especially given the haughty attitude







                                                                 21




of the Church toward Jews in the years immediately preceding 


Pope John XXIII.  Remember that it was only 60 years earlier that


Pope Pius X, the Vicar of Jesus Christ, declared "We cannot 


recognize the Jewish people." 
	

	Above all, the Declaration on the Relationship of the 


Church to Non-Christian Religions from Vatican II is the 


statement of a Church suffering growing pains.  It may even be


argued that in many respects, the way to a brotherhood of the two 


religions has been largely an intellectual undertaking, with few

                             37
practical ecumenical results.    But history does not usually move 


with such swiftness, especially when a long range transformation 


is wanted, and in truth, needed.  The realization of a new and 


enlightened path was in the eye of the Church, but the long road to 


fulfillment was just beginning.  






                             Notes



              1.  Paul Blanshard, _Paul Blanshard on Vatican II_ 
         (Boston:  Beacon Press, 1966), 3.

              2.  _The Documents of Vatican II_, ed. Walter M. 
         Abbott, trans. Joseph Gallagher (New York:  Herder and 
         Herder, 1966), 662.

              3.  Ibid., 664.

              4.  Ibid., 666. 

              5.  Ibid., 666-667.

              6.  Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre,
         _O Jerusalem_ (New York:  Simon and Schuster, 1972), 18. 

              7.  Sergio I. Minerbi, _The Vatican and Zionism_ 
         (New York:  Oxford University Press, 1990), 100.

              8.  Arthur Gilbert, _The Vatican Council and the 
         Jews_ (New York:  The World Publishing Company, 1968), 
         107-108.

              9.  Pinchas E. Lapide, _Three Popes and the Jews_
         (New York:  Hawthorn Books, Inc., 1967), 272-273.

             10.  Minerbi, _The Vatican and Zionism_, 95.

             11.  George Emile Irani, _The Papacy and the Middle
         East_ (Notre Dame, Indiana:  University of Notre Dame 
         Press, 1986), 79.

             12.  Arthur Gilbert, _The Vatican Council and the 
         Jews_, 108-110.

             13.  Pinchas E. Lapide, _Three Popes and the Jews_,
         277-78.

             14.  Ibid., 296-298.

             15.  Ibid., 297-298.

             16.  Ibid., 300.

             17.  Ibid., 301.

             18.  E. E. Y. Hales, _Pope John and His Revolution_
         (Garden City, New York:  Doubleday and Company, Inc., 
         1965), 58.

             19.  Pinchas E. Lapide, _Three Popes and the Jews_,
         308-310.

                                 22







                                                                 23




             20.  Peter Nichols, _The Pope's Divisions_ (London:
         Faber and Faber, 1981), 207.

             21.  Malachi Martin, _Three Popes and the Cardinal_
         (New York:  Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1972), 243.

             22.  Pinchas E. Lapide, _Three Popes and the Jews_,
         313. 

             23.  Ibid., 318.

             24.  Peter Nichols, _The Pope's Divisions_, 165.

             25.  E. E. Y. Hales, _Pope John and His Revolution_,
         133.

             26.  Malachi Martin, _Three Popes and the Cardinal_,
         243.

             27.  George Emile Irani, _The Papacy and the Middle
         East_, 15.

             28.  Pinchas E. Lapide, _Three Popes and the Jews_,
         331.

             29.  Ibid., 332.

             30.  Ibid., 332-333.

             31.  Vittorio Gorresio, _The New Mission of Pope 
         John XXIII_ (New York:  Funk and Wagnalls, 1970), 316.

             32.  Frederick Franck, _Exploding Church_ (New York:
         Delacorte Press, 1968), 230.

             33.  Paul Blanshard, _Paul Blanshard on Vatican II_, 1.

             34.  Ibid., 129-142.

             35.  Augustin Cardinal Bea, _The Church and the 
         Jewish People_ (New York:  Harper and Row, 1966), 135.

             36.  E. E. Y. Hales, _Pope John and His Revolution_, 
         59.

             37.  George Emile Irani, _The Papacy and the Middle
         East_, 3.
 




                             Bibliography
          

           Abbott, Walter M., ed. _The Documents of Vatican II_.  
	        New York:  Herder and Herder, 1966.
           
           Bea, Augustin Cardinal. _The Church and the Jewish 
                People_.  New York:  Harper and Row, 1966.

           Blanshard, Paul.  _Paul Blanshard on Vatican II_.  
                Boston:  Beacon Press, 1966.

           Collins, Larry and Dominique Lapierre.  _O Jerusalem_.
                New York:  Simon and Schuster, 1972. 

           Franck, Frederick.  _Exploding Church_.  New York:
                Delacorte Press, 1968.

           Gilbert, Arthur.  _The Vatican Council and the Jews_.
                New York:  The World Publishing Company, 1968.

           Gorresio, Vittorio.  _The New Mission of Pope John 
                XXIII_.  New York:  Funk and Wagnalls, 1970.

           Hales, E. E. Y.  _Pope John and His Revolution_. 
                Garden City, New York:  Doubleday and Company, 
                Inc., 1965.

           Irani, George Emile.  _The Papacy and the Middle 
                East_.  Notre Dame, Indiana:  University of Notre
                Dame Press, 1986.
           
           Lapide, Pinchas E.  _Three Popes and the Jews_.  New
                York:  Hawthorn Books, Inc., 1967.

           Martin, Malachi.  _Three Popes and the Cardinal_.
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           Minerbi, Sergio I.  _The Vatican and Zionism_.  New   
                York:  Oxford University Press, 1990.

           Nichols, Peter.  _The Pope's Divisions_.  London:  
                Faber and Faber, 1981.



                                24


