
	Part 41:  Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, 
	  the NSA, and Banking Transactions Spying

		by J. Orlin Grabbe

	    (continued from Part 40)

	"The political process is moving onto 
	the Internet.  Both within the United 
	States and internationally, 
	individuals, interest groups, and even 
	nations are using the Internet to find 
	each other, discuss the issues, and 
	further their political goals"  (Charles 
	Swett, "Strategic Assessment: the 
	Internet," Office of the Assistant 
	Secretary of Defense for Special 
	Operations and Low-Intensity Conflict, 
	Room 2B525, the Pentagon, 17 July 1995).

	"I don't know where you get your information, but 
it's better than the Company's," Hayes said over the 
phone.
	
	"Maybe you should tell the CIA they should learn 
to use the Internet," I replied.
	
	"I did."  Hayes' tone was matter-of-fact.
	
	My report on Newt Gingrich (to aid Charles Hayes 
in his preparation for their meeting) had focused on 
motivational issues--what makes Newt Gingrich tick.  
Like the time when, as a graduate student in history at 
Tulane University in New Orleans, Gingrich served as the 
spokesman for a student activist group which was 
condemning censorship of the campus newspaper, the 
Hullaballoo.  (The administration had judged as obscene 
nude photos which the group considered artwork.)  But I 
had also reported on one of Gingrich's little-known 
financial relationships--one that had apparently been 
missed by the CIA or, perhaps, the Fifth Column.

	Hayes spent two days getting ready for his 
meeting with Gingrich.  Gingrich had done his homework 
equally well, apparently obtaining a good bit of 
information from Hayes' highly-classified file at the CIA.  
"He reminded me of things I had forgotten myself," Hayes 
said.

	They came to an agreement, of sorts.  "Can you 
trust Gingrich," I asked Hayes.  I had a few doubts, 
myself, but it wasn't my problem.  "We'll see," Hayes 
said.  "I told him the agreement was over the first time he 
lied to me."

	Among other things, it was agreed that the Fifth 
Column would become a resource to Kenneth Starr. Gingrich 
would act as intermediary.  (This arrangement lasted until 
Hayes and Starr eventually established their 
own direct relationship. Shortly after the agreement with 
Gingrich, the Fifth Column came across a $286,000 wire 
transfer to the bank account of Lisa Foster, the wife of 
Vince Foster, that had been made four days prior to Vince 
Foster's death.  The transfer--make out of a bank account 
at Mellon bank--had been effected by Sheila Foster 
Anthony, Vince Foster's sister and the wife of Beryl 
Anthony.  Sheila Anthony was at the time Assistant 
Attorney General for Legislative Affairs. The records of 
the payment were turned over to Gingrich, who then 
turned them over to Starr.)  Starr was having his problems 
at the time. He wasn't able to find the financial and other 
records he needed for his investigation.  And, as he soon 
enough discovered, some of the FBI agents assigned to 
him were running their own agenda, by intimidating 
certain witnesses or generating prejudicial reports about 
them to influence the Special Prosecutor's use of their 
testimony.  (By a curious coincidence, the wire transfer to 
Lisa Foster was made on July 16, 1993, the same day Bill 
Clinton had a two-hour meeting with Louis Freeh, 
preparatory to naming him FBI Director the following 
week.)  

	Gingrich agreed to a number of things, for his part.  
He agreed to reopen the investigation into the death of 
Vince Foster.  (Shortly thereafter, Gingrich ridiculed the 
Foster suicide conjecture, and ordered William Clinger, 
Chairman of the House Government Reform and 
Oversight Committee, to reopen the investigation into the 
circumstances of Foster's death.  The Committee, 
however, later deferred to the Starr investigation into the 
same topic. Gingrich's statements were followed by a 
reading of evidence against the Foster suicide conjecture 
on the House floor by Dan Burton of Indiana.  Burton 
soon will be replacing William Clinger as Chairman of 
the House Government Committee.)   

	And Gingrich agreed to write a letter to Alan 
Greenspan on certain money-laundering matters--
including dealing with the fact that a highly-placed 
official in the Federal Reserve was part of the national 
money-laundering network. (Gingrich sent a six-page 
letter to Greenspan.  Although I was somewhat familiar 
with the information in the letter, I attempted to get a 
copy directly from either Greenspan or Gingrich, but 
failed to do so.  Gingrich explained his denial that the 
letter existed with the statement that "half of politics is 
lying, anyway."  Someone later relayed  an account of a 
meeting he had with Gingrich, in Gingrich's office.  
Gingrich said he had "never heard of Orlin Grabbe."  
After a while, this individual noticed a copy of my 
textbook on international finance on Gingrich's bookshelf.  
"I guess, with you being a politician, people send you a 
lot of books that you don't get time to read," the person 
said to Gingrich.  "I bought every one of these books 
myself, with my own money," Gingrich supposedly 
declared, "and I've read them all."  Well, perhaps Gingrich 
has a touch of Alzheimer's.)

	Gingrich had flown into Somerset, KY, by 
helicopter, landing near the former Holiday Inn. 
Afterward, Hayes and I always referred to Gingrich as 
"Helicopter Boy" in conversation.  

		 (to be continued) 

December 4, 1996
Web Page:  http://www.aci.net/kalliste/
